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ten «-» <~ . 


October, 1919 March, 1920 


New York 


112 East 19 street 



Volume XLIII 

October, 1919— March, 1920 

The material in this index is arranged under authors and subjects and in a few cases 
under titles, except verse and book reviews, which are listed only under those head- 
ings. Anonymous articles and paragraphs are entered under their subjects. The 
precise wording of titles has not been retained where abbreviation or paraphrase has 

seemed more desirable. 


V. Y3 

Abbate, P. S., bust of Negro child. 183. 
Aberdeen, unique plan. 156. 
Abnormal, not subnormal. 157. 
Abrams, et al case (letter). 623. 
Ackerman, F. L., The hearing, 803. 
Addams. Jane. 537, 550. 

Chicago Tribune and. 601. 

Nationalism, a dogma? 524. 
Adjustment of industrial disputes, 822. 
Arikins, W. D.. 233. 
Adler, Felix, 260, Consent of the gov- 
erned, 260. 
Adolescence (letter), 440. 
Advertising, Jewish charities in news- 
papers, 640. 

Personal, 303. 
Aery, W. A., Tuskegee conf., 506. 
Agitators (cartoon), 104. 
Agricultural clubs for boys & girls, 457. 
Agriculture, President's conf. report 

on, 831. 
Akron, Oh''o. 465. 
Albania, 523. 

Albany Assemblymen, what their dis- 
tricts are thinking, 767. 
Alberta Medical Assn.. 320. 
Aldoston, M. S., anti-handing (letter), 

Aleppo, 600. 
Aliens. 140. 

Admission, 387. 

Exclusion. 888, 

Impressions of America, 540. 

Justice for? 419. 

Law and. 072. 

Sedition and, in the new year, 422. 

Venezuela. 3S6. 

Rce also Deportations. 
All-American Farmer-Labor Coopera- 
tive Congress. 605. 
Allen. R. H., Siberia. 69S. 
Almy, Frederic. Tondon Charity Org. 

Soc. name (letter), 324. 
Amalgamated Temple, 613, 614. 
America : 

Alien impressions, 540. 

American experiment, 146. 

Developments. 549. 

Foreign impressions. 369. 

Nickel, as syral ol, 402. 

Strength, 258. 

Strength — immigration, 542. 

Strength — menace of Americaniza- 
tion, 610. 

Strength — migration, 461. 

Strength — nation building, 690. 

Strength — nationality, :!.".2. 
Amer. Assn. for Org. Family Social 

Work, 324. 777. 
Amer. Child Hygiene Assn., 479 
Amer. City Bureau, 588. 
Amer. Civic Assn., 127. 
Amer. Civil Liberties Union. 480. 
Amer. Economic Assn., 389. 
Amer. Federation of Art. 406. 
Amer. Federation of Labor, 67. 

Gomper's resolution, 40. 

In politics, 568. 

Leading speakers. groups (ill.). 64. 
Amer. Federation of Teachers. 729. 
Amer. Freedom League, 135. 
Amer. language, 600. 
Amer. Legion. St. Louis and Kansas 

City, 255. 
Amer. Prison Assn.. 112. 
Amer. Public Health Assn. 237 

Plans. 434. 

Amer. Belief Admiuis.. 513. 516, 731 
Austria, 761. 

Amer. Social Hygiene Assn.. 105, 

:;i9, 707. 
Amer. Women's Committee, 570. 
Amer. Zionist Med. Unit, 175. 
Americanization, 387, 400. 

Books on, 504. 

Massachusetts, 437. 

Menace. 610. 

News. 409. 

Speechless meetings, 651. 

True sort, 696, 697. 
Ames, Sir Herbert. 324. 
Amidon, Judge, 686. 
Amnesty, 371. 

France, 713. 
Anarchists, 388. 
Anderson. A. B., 572. 
Anderson, C. P., New Mexico Health 

Department, 809. 
Anderson, F. F. , Twelve-hour day 

(letter), 440. 
Anderson, (i. W.. 536, 549. 572. 
Anderson, Mary, 260. 

Industrial tribunal, 427. 

Mass.. an example in industry, 272. 
Anthony. Susan P... portrait and note, 

Agitator (cartoon), 104. 
Arbitration, voluntary, 273. 
Architecture and democracy, 587. 
Arkansas, race conflict, 233. 

Re-trial of Negroes, 309. 
Armenia, 730. 

Credits for, 730. 

Maps, 347. 

New republic of, 342. 
Armenian refugees, 13. 
Armour & Co., foreign-born instruction, 

Army Reorganization bill. 575. 
Aronovici, Carol, aphorisms from, 652. 

Folk in America, 706. 

Vienna enterprise. 799. 
"Art in every home," 466. 
Asia Minor. 523. 
Assn. of Producers of Petroleum In 

Mexico (letter), 243. 
Assyrian refugees, 13. 
Auctioneers, 797. 

Augusta, Me., health survey, 808. 
Ault. E. B.. 223. 

Australia, influenza quarantine, 496. 

American relief, 553. 

Correspondence about conditions, 762. 

Credits for, 730. 

Starvation. 226, 761. 
Aviation, time table cover and juris- 
dictional dispute, 760. 


Babbitt. E. C. 594. 

Clinic, 743. 

Dope. 323. 

Registration of birth, 743. 

Students study real babies. 811. 
Babyland strike (cartoon), 449. 
Backwoods, 674. 
Bagdad, at the gates of, 13. 
Baker, H. P.. 594. 
Balch. Emily, on Austrian conditions 

P.annwart. Carl, 773. 
Barnum, Gertrude, Resolution on em- 
ployment exchanges, 42 
Beauty. 127. 

Bedford Reformatory trouble, 801. 
Bedinger, G. R., 594. 
Behavior, 470. 

Belgium, Amer. Relief and Recon- 
struction, 520. 
Belgrade, 681. 

Bell, G. L.. 260. A process, 269. 
Bellamy, G. A., Morale & Morals, 674. 
Benjamin, P. L.. Poetry of existence, 

Berlin tenants. 716. 
Bernstein. Herman, 601. 
Better Times (newspaper), 384. 
Biggs, H. M., 496. 

Bing, A. M., 260, conf., not repres- 
sion in industry, 265. 
Blrrell, F. F. L., On the old battle 

front. 186. 
Birth rate. 321. 
Birth registration, 618, 743. 
Birtwell. M. L., obituary. 374. 
Bisbee. 571. 
Blackwell, A. S.. 189. 
Blockade, end (Russia). 452. 
Blossom, F. A., I. W. W. dues (letter). 

Bohemia, 172. 
Bolt. R. A., 480. 
Bondfield. Margaret, 105. 
Book Reviews. 
Aliens' Textbook on Citizenship 

(Beck), 408. 
Ame Paysanne, L' (Labat), 206. 
Amer. Colouization Society, The, 

1817-1840 (Fox), 505. 
American Red Cross, The, and the 

Orent War (Davison), 621. 
Americanization (Aronovici), 196. 
America's Tomorrow (Smith), 325. 
Anthology of Magazine Verse, 554. 
Applied Anatomy and Kinesiology 

(Bowen). 592. 
Armenians, The, in America (Mal- 

com). 505. 
Australia (Wade). 209. 
Book of Modern British Verse. 554. 
Books in the War (Koch), 204. 
Boy Behavior (Burger), 472. 
British Labor Conditions, etc. (Ham- 
mond), 781. 
Century of Prices, A. (Burton and 

Selden), 202. 
Chaos — A Vision of Eternity ("Al- 

tair"), 199. 
Ohartography in Ten Lessons 

(Warn«). 622. 
Chez les Prophetes Socialistes 
(Bougl6), 204. 

Chicago Race Riots. The (Sand- 
burg) , 408. 
Children's Garments (Wallbank), 

Christian Americanization (Brooks), 

Christian Social Hygiene (Seeley), 

Church, The, and Its American Op- 
portunity (Slattery), 555. 
Church Year Book of Social Justice, 

City Manager in Dayton (Rightor), 

Classified Bibliography of Boy Life, 

etc. (Veal). 472. 
Common Sense in Labor Management 

(Clark). 622. 
Community Church. The (Jackson), 

Consumers' Cooperation (Sonnich- 

sen), 622. 
Control of Heredity, The (Redfleld), 

County Administration (Maxey), 207. 

Craft of the Tortoise, The (Tasson), 

Democracy After the War (Ilobson), 

Democratic Industry (Husslein), 781. 
Direct Method, The, of Teaching Eng- 
lish to Foreigners (Price), 504. 
Dust of New York (Bcrcovici), 504. 
Dwellers in the Vale of Siddem 

(Rogers and Merrill), 439. 
Economic Consequences of the Peace 

(Keynes), 812. 
Equipment of the Workers. The, 554. 
Essentials of -Americanization (Bo- 

gardus), 505. 
Europe; a Book for America (Roth). 

European subjects, 812. 
Every Day Mouth Hygiene (Head), 

Examinations and Their Relation to 

Culture and Efficiency (Hartog), 

Expectant Mother, The (Bandler). 

Famine in Europe, The. 814. 
Feeding of Nations, The (Starling), 

Fifty Points About Capitalism 

(Money), 408. 
Food for the Sick and the Well 

(Thompson). 622. 
From Mill-Boy to Minister (George), 

Futnre Citizen. The. and His Mother 

(Porter). 472. 
Future of Medicine, The (Mackenzie), 

Garden First in Land Development 

(Webb). 622. 
German Social Democracy during the 

War (Bevan), 207. 
Germany in the War and after 

(Kellogg), 206. 
Girl. The, and the Job (Hoerle and 

Saltzberg), 408. 
Girlhood and Its Problems (Hall), 

God's Dealing with the Negro (May- 
ers). 198. 
Goodwill (Maonamara), 208. 
Government Organization In War 

Time and After (Willongliby). 200. 
Grail of Life. The (Holmes and 

Brown-Olf). 557. 
Guild Principles in War and Peace 

(Hobsnn). 282. 
Haras Humain, Le (Binet-Sangle), 

Helping France (Gaines) 104. 
Hi"h Road to Health. The (Kelly V 

Homes for Workmen. 592. 
Hcise of tne Good Neighbor. The 

(Lovejoy). 621. 
Housing and the Public Health (Rob- 
ertson). 430. 
Housing. The. of the Unskilled Wage- 
Earner (Wood). 471. 
Hnnkins (Blytbe). 196. 
Hvcriene and Sanitation (Egbert), 

Ideals of America. 505. 
Industrial Medicine and Surgery 

(Moch). 592. 
Industrial Mexico (Middleton). 204. 
Industrial Nursing (Wright). 438. 
I. W. W.. The (Brissenden). 407 
Infant and Young Child Welfare 

(Scurfleld), 439. 
Inspiration for Daily Living (AbhoftV 




Intelligence, The, of the Delinquent 

03 (Williams), 471. 
introduction to Trade Unionism, An 

(Uole), 282. 
Ireland a Nation (Lynd), 812. 
Ireland and England (Turner), 812. 
Ireland's Figlit for Freedom (Creel), 

Irisliuian, An, Looks at Uis World 

(Birmingham). 812. 
Iron City (Hedges). 194. 
J. William White, M. D. (Heplier), 

Jew Pays, The (Ravage), 209. 
Justice and the Poor (Smith), 407. 
Korea's Fight tor Freedom (Mc- 

Kenzie), 667. 
Labor books, 407, 781. 
Labor in the Changing World (Mac- 

Iver), 212. 
Labour in the Commonwealth, (Cole), 

Labrador Doctor, A (Grenfell). 591. 
Land of Fair Play. The (Parsons), 

L'Art de Mourir Binet-Sangl€), 438. 
Law and the Family (Grant), 407. 
Law books, 407. 
leadership of Girls' Activities (Mox- 

cey), 752. 
Loudon Lot, A (Lyons), 198. 
Man and the New Democracy <Mc- 

Keever), 325. 
Manual for Conservation of Vision 

Classes (Hathaway), 752. 
Meaning of World Revolution, The 
(Fyfe), 408. 

.Meat Hygiene (Edelmann), 592. 
Mental Hygiene of. Childhood, The 

(White). 472. 
Modern American Poetry, 554. 
Modern Germauy (Barker), 207. 
Moral Basis of Democracy, The 

(Hadley), 557. 
Motion Pictures in a Typical City 

i.Phelan), 210. 
National Afforestation (Webster), 

Nationalities in Hungary (Hevesy), 

Nervous Child, The (Camerou), 753. 
New World Order. The (Batten), 781. 
Notre Oncle d'Amerique (Junka), 

Old Freedom, The (Neilsou), 194. 
Organized Efforts for the Improve- 
ment of Methods of Administra- 
tion, etc. (Weber), 200. 
Organizing for Work (Gantt), 212. 
Our America (Frank), 210. 
Our Italian Fellow Citizens (Clark), 

Our Nervous Friends (Caroll), 657. 
Palestine of the Jews (Bentwich), 

Pathway of Life, The (Tolstoy). 206. 
Poetry and Dreams (Prescott), 555. 
Problem of Sex Disease, The (Cor- 

bett-Smith), 591. 
Probleme, Le, de la Chastetg Mascu- 
line (Escande), 472. 
Psychology of Nations, The (Part- 
ridge), 813. 
Public health books, 438. 
Race and Nationality (Oakesmith), 

Reasonable Revolution. A (Pickard), 

Robels (Ganz and Ferber). 782. 
Remaking of a Mind, The (de Man), 

Report of U. S. Housing Corps, vol. 

II, 195. 
Resale Price Maintenance (Murchi- 

son), 202. 
Revolt of Labor Against Civilization, 

The (Reade), 782. 
Bight to Work, The (Marriott), 210. 
Sanitation of Public Health Nurses 

1 Hill), 592. 
School Statistics and Publicity (Al- 
exander). 622. 
Science of Eating, The (McCann), 

Scientific Spirit, The, and Social 

Work (Todd), 621. 
6000 Country Churches (Gill and 

Pinchot), 555. 
Social Gospel, The, and the New Era 

(Barker), 555. 
Social Reconstruction in Germany 

(Booth), 195. 
Social Unrest, The (Powell), 782. 
Socialism versus the State (Van- 

dervelde). 282. 
Socializing for the New Order 

(Page). 752. 

Songs of the Cattle Trail and Cow 

Camp (Lomax). 555. 
Story of English Public Health, The 

(Morris), 438. 
Story of Milk, The (Frederikseu), 

Substitutes for the Saloon (Calkins), 

Teaching the Sick (Barton), 439. 
Towards Racial Health (March), 438. 
Town Improvement (Evans), 198. 
Treasure of Mayville, The (Schus- 
ter), 822, 
Treatment, The, of the Problem of 
Capital and Labor in Social-Study 
Courses in the Churches (Biachly), 
Two Ideals in the Planning of Cities, 

etc. (Noleu), 592. 
University Debaters' Annual 

(Phelps), 199. 
Unsolved Riddle of Social Justice, 

The (Leacock), 782. 
Vested Interests, The, and the State 

of Industrial Arts (Vebleu), 196. 
Voyage of a Vice-Chaucellor, The 

(Shipley), 656. 
Watts Scries, Part I (Hollyer). 209. 
Wealth From Waste (Spooner). 621. 
Were You Ever a Child? (Dell), 752. 
What the War Teaches About Educa- 
tion (Moore), 472. 
When the Workmen Help You Man- 
age (Basset), 212. 
Will of Song, The (MacKaye and 

llarnhart), 198. 
Will of the People, The (Sullivan), 

Womeu in Industry, 193. 
Women's Wages (Hutchinson), 781. 
World's Food Resources, The (Smith), 
Danger, 567. 
Foreign languages. 410 
New, brief notices, 196. 
On reconstruction, 193. 
Social seasonal messages from, 192. 
Boone, Gladys, 729. 
Boot-blacks. 136. 
Borst, H. W., 594. 
Bosnia children (ill.), 509, 511. 
BostOCk, S.. 652. 
Boston : 
Lodging-House Union, 127. 
Unmarried mothers, 654. 
Boston Provident Assn., 801. 
Botany Bay, 503. 
Bourquin, G. M., 602. 
Bowen, A. L. F Older Men on the Wards, 

Bowen, Mrs. J. T., I'oliceuiau with a 

Wink, 458. 
Boys' rural club, 457. 
Bradbury, E. C, Buford widows, 593. 
Braddock, Pa., 58, 550. 
Bradford, E. W. K., Need of democ- 
racy, 670. 
Brandels, L. D., 147, 536, 549. 

Opinion on espionage case, 732. 
Braucher, H. S., Stimulation (letter), 

Brick and stone, substitutes for, 465. 
British labor. See under Labor. 
Brockton, Mass., 464. 
Brooklyn, speechless meetings, 651. 
Bronner, A. L., 239. 
Brough, Alexander, 776. 
Brown, James R., 255. 
Brown, Thos. K., 324. 
Bruno, F. J., Minneapolis drive, 583. 
Bryson, Lyman, Western ways and 

eastern children, 307. 
Buehler, Samuel, 774. 
Budget : 
Case work, 398. 
Clubs, 409-410. 
National, 144. 
Burns, A. T., 260. Organize consum- 
ers, 270. 
Budish, J. M. Opinion of Second In- 
dustrial Conf., 42s. 
Buell. J. B. Federal employment serv- 
ice, 4S4. 
Euford (ship), 391, 419. 
Buford widows (letter), 593. 
Bulgaria, 523. 
Burial. 584. 
Burke, J. P., 260. Nationalization in 

industry, 266. 
Burke, Malcolm. Housing and taxes, 

Burnham, George, Jr., 260. 
Danger of compulsion in industrial 

relations, 425. 
Joint industrial council*, 276. 

Burnham, W. H., 470. 

Burt, II. F.. Thwarted desires, 671. 

Burton, J. D.. Unrest in southern 

mountains, 674. 
Butte, Mont.. 409. 

Cabot, R. C, appointment to chair at 

Harvard, 482. 
Calcutta, Univ., 449. 
Caldwell, Hugh, 732. 
Caldwell, R. J., 2G0. Mutual good 

will in industry, 263. 

Jail, 136. 

Stale medicine, 320. 

Anti-hanging (letter), 784. 

Death penalty, 319. 

Immigrants at school, 696-697. 

Labor camps, 70. 
Progress in, 401. 
California Conf. of Social Work, 256. 
California State Conf., 250. 
California Theater, 257. 
Camp, W. It., Soutnern experiment in 

rural credits, 393. 
Camp vacation, 22. 

California's labor camps, 70. 

United Neighborhood Houses, 22. 

Virginia, road, 318. 

Civil service reform, 450. 

Post-discharge relief, 159. 

Raising money for social work, 156. 

Single tax, 415. 

Social Welfare Conf., 473. 
Canal Zone, health, 495. 
Cancer, Amer Soc. for the Control of. 

435, 441. 
Cannan, Gilbert, quoted, 192. 

Labor and solidarity (cartoon), 528. 

See also Industrial relations. 
Capital punishment, 319, 603, 619. 

Anti-hanging (letter), 784. 
Carter, R. B., 260. 

Industrial counselors, 264. 

News print in industry, 427. 
Case work, ratio of cases to staff, 469. 
Catholic bishops' pastoral letter, 636. 
Catholic church, reconstruction tasks, 

Catholic Welfare Council, 759. 
Caucasus, 342. 

New varieties (Seattle newspapers), 

Schools of social work, 799. 
Ceutralia, Wash., 734. 

Statement of occurrences, 173. 

Subsequent events, 222. 

Verdict, 761. 
Cestre, Charles, 242. Recent strikes 

in France, 494. 
Chamberlain, J. P. 

National budget, 144. 

Social workers and the frame of 
govt., 608. 
Chamberlain, Mary. Montreal conf., 

Chambers of commerce, 316. 
Chapman, Paul, 319, 603. 

Contributors, 27. 

Tennessee conf., 397. 
Charity and citizenship (letter), 440. 
Charity organization in Japan, 733. 
Charity Org. Society, 27. 

London, name, 324. 
Chenery, W. L., 130. 

Coal strike, condition of the bitu- 
minous Industry, 150. 

Conscription in peace times, 575. 

Constitution for industry : President's 
Conference reports, 805. 

Foreword on symposium on industrial 
relations, 261. 

Foreword to symposium of criticisms 
of report of Second Industrial Con- 
ference, 424. 

Indust. conf., second, reports, 838. 

Internatl, Labor Conf., 107. 

Is liberty safe? 487. 

Labor and the railroads, 638. 

President's Industl. Oonf., first fort- 
night, 35. 

Printers' Council, 606. 

Printers' strike, 231. 

Unscrambling (packers), 304. 


Amer, Economic meetings, 389. 

Conf. on illegitimacy, 747. 

Economic Club, 4*5. 

Juvenile Protective Assn., 620. 

Labor Party convention, 229. 

i'oliee and children, 458. 

Stockyards, unrest, 670. * 

Chicago Univ. of, training of foreign- 
born, 409. 
Chicago Tribune and Miss Addains, 601. 
Chicago Urban League, 184. 
Child care in Minnesota, 280. 
Child Health Org., 279. 

Plans, 435. 
Child hygiene, 479. 
Child labor. 

Massachusetts, 589. 

One privileged child, G34. 

President's Conf. report on, S28. 

Resolution by Lillian D. Wald at th« 
President's Industrial Conf., 45. 
Child Labor Day, 385. 
Child Welfare. 279, 589, 054, 745, 810. 

Foreign-born and, 365. 

.Mexico, 371. 

Negroes, 313. 

New books reviewed, 752. 

Program, 810. 

See also Natl. Child Welfare Assn. 
Child Welfare Education (periodical), 


Chicago and the police, 458. 

Eastern, 307. 

European peasants (ills.), 509, 542. 
545, 547. 

Happiness, 253. 

Illegitimate, 654. 

Kentucky, 453. 

Legislation for illegitimate — Chicago 
and New York conferences, 747. 

Murder and, 319. 

New York city, 322. 

War, the, and the children, 79. 
Children of the night (verse), 456. 
Children's Bureau, 589. 

Illegitimacy conference, 747. 

In its niche, 455. 
Children's Fund, European, 51G. 
Chinese missions, 636. 
Christian Socialism in Germany, 450. 
Christmas : 

Serbia, 254. 

Tokyo poor, 306. 
Christmas cheer (verse), 259. 

Economics and, 369. 

Foreign relief, 570. 
Chute, C. L., Probation- — a federal 

need, 775. 

Charitable gifts, 383. 

Parker, W. H., on efficient democracy, 

Social Unit — report on results 
(Devine), 115. 

City beautiful, 127. 

Contrast of environment (ills.), 680. 

Rebuilding in France, 386. 

Recent plans, 464. 

See also Civics. 

Charity and (letter), 440. 

Equality, 266. 

Teaching through Social Problems, 

See also Nation building. 
Civic handbooks, 410. 
Civic Players of Minneapolis, 774. 
Civics, 127, 315, 400, 464, 586, 

651, 772. 
Civil Liberties. 

Clergymen's Protest, 552. 

Keepers of the Faith : upholders of 
liberties of the founders (portraits 
and notes), 535-538, 549. 

Restoration, 109. 
Civil Liberties Union, 480. 
Civil Service Reform in Canada, 450. 
Civil Service Reform League, 387. 
Claghorn, K. H.. 623. 

Aliens and Sedition in the new year, 

Reassurance from the Supreme Court, 

Reply to letter of Mr. Neill, 624. 
Clarke, G. B. 

Evolution in Winnipeg, 469. 

Using deposit accounts, 397. 
Clarke, Justice, J. H., 147. 

1 Mien's nrotest about Free Speech, 

Americanization, 409. 

Americanization program, 402. 

Community chest, 399. 

Filing method, 777. 

Health survey, 567. 

I n d e x 

Labor Code of Chamber of Com- 
merce, 748, 749. 
Cleveland Foundation, 713. 
Closed shop, 53. 
Closed towns, 58. 
Clothing town, 586. 
Clothing Workers. 

Amalgamated Temple, 613, 614. 

Arbitration, 384. 

Kirschbaum (A. B.) Co.. G35. 
Clubs, agricultural, for boys and girls, 

Clynes, J. R., 9, 12, 528. 

Administration and, 336. 

Situation, 492. 
Coal Commission, members and pro- 
gram, 404. 
Goal miners' convention in Sept., 23. 
Coal Strike. 

Bituminous conditions, 150. 

Cartoous, 152, 154, 155. 

End, 253. 

Opinions on, 152, 153. 
Cobb, Frank I., 537, 549. 
Colbert, J. B., 22, 23. 
Cole, G. D. H., quoted, 192. 
Collective bargaining, 39, 105, 827. 
Collective marketing, 418. 
College as social worker, 437. 
Collier, John, 129. 
Collier, Mrs. John. Child Health Org., 

plans, 435. 
Colorado anti-strike law, 415. 
Columbus, Ohio, United Mine Workers, 

Jan. 5-7, 447. 
Combination sales, 604. 
Ooiuey, A. C, 464. 
Communist Party, W. B., Wilson's 

opinion on (document), 500. 
Communists, 419. 

Emblems, 487. 

Community chests, 399. 

Delta, Utah, 315. 

Disintegration as cause of unrest, 675. 

Fresno, 800. 

Merger, 254. 

North Carolina, Negroes, 772. 

Planning, 651. 

Rural buildings, 651. 
Community Councils of Greater New 

York, 254. 
Community Service, 582. 

Financing of efforts, 774. 

Leadership, 588. 

Portsmouth, Ohio, 468. 

Stimulation (letter), 814. 

Training School, for workers, 129. 
Community trust company, New York, 

Company unions, 334. 
Conduct, 239, 318, 498, 619, 775. 

Pennsylvania, 658. 

State and County Council of North 
Carolina, 158. 

Washington State, 658. 
Congratulations, 495. 
Conscience, 272. 

Conscription in peace times, 575. 
Consumers, organization, 270. 
Consumers' League. 

Newark conference, 481. 

Ten years' program, 227. 
Contagion, syphilitic, 497. 
Continuous action, 467. 
Cooley, Stoughton, 255. 
Coolidge, Calvin, 583. 
Cooper, O. O. Psychological reactions, 


In management, 274. 

Inter-union, 635. 

Lecture announcement, 623. 

Native-born and foreign-born, 692, 
Cooperative houses, students', 602. 
Copenhagen porcelain, 190. 
Corwin, Bee Lewinski-Corwin. 
Cost of living, 801. 

Food prices (cartoon), 387. 

Government salaries, 491. 

I. W. W. and, 221. 

President's Conf. report on, 830. 

Stuck (Cartoon), 386. 
Cotton mills, death-rate study, 493. 
Country club, people's, 652. 
Country life. 

Community building, 651 

Self-sufficiency, 315. 
County of Westchester, N. Y., 140. 

Federal need — probation, 775. 

Industrial court, 552. 

Jewish, New York city, 774. 

Probation, New York city, 776. 
Cover, J. H., 594. 
Cram, R. A. quoted, 193. 
Crandall, E. P., Natl. Org. for Public 

Health Nursing, 435. 
Credit unions, 393. 
C redit s. 

Control of, 272. 

Foreign, S73, 600, 730. 
Cremation, 584. 

Crime and conduct, 239, 318, 498, 619, 


Shorter terms, 240. 

Special abilities, 239. 
Cropsey, Justice, 240. 
Cross, W. T., 374, 754. 
Crothers, S. M., 106. 
Crusade, Woman's, 302. 
Cummins bill, 404, 492, 638. 
Cumpston, J. H. L., 496. 
Cunliff, Nelson, 465. 
Czechoslovakia, 522. 

Social beginnings, 169. 


Damned by a phrase, 479. 
Davey, Oongressmau, 715. 
Davis, A. F., Roots of restlessness, 

Davis, J. L,., 260. 

A federal tribunal, in labor troubles, 
Dawson, J. B., Raising money in mid- 
summer, 156. 
Daylight, moving pictures in, 651. 
Dayton, Ohio, 700, 704. 

People's country club, 652. 
Deane, Muriel, Filing, 778. 
Deardorff, N. R., Home Service ; 1919, 

Death penalty. See capital punish- 
Delaware, Americanization, 409. 

Juvenile, mobilizing the community 
against, 765. 

Team play and, 620. 
Dell, Floyd, quoted, 192. 
Delousing, 495. 
Delta, Utah, 315. 
Dementia praeeox, 497. 
Democracy, 118, 126. 

Architecture and, 587. 

" Efficient," 731. 

In civil service, 387. 

In mill management, 405. 

Need of, 670. 
Democrat, protest of a, 480. 
Demuth, L., Letter on " Industrial 

Democracy," 130. 
Denison House, 670. 

Porcelain, 190. 

Social affairs, 482. 
Dennison, H. S. 

Resolution on unemployment insur- 
ance, 42. 

Resolutions at the President's Indus- 
trial Conference, 39. 
Deportations, 391, 419. 

Families of deported aliens, 570. 

Positions taken by gov't, officials 
(documents), 500. 

Radicals set free, 798. 
Deposit accounts, 397. 
Deputations, 302. 
De Silver, Albert, 549. 
Desires, thwarted, 671. 
Destruction, 403. 

Community chest, 399. 

Natl. Urban League, 184. 

Regenerating outdoor relief. 648. 

Social Agencies, 374. 

Trouble cases, 585. 
Devine, E. T. 

Chicago meeting, 389. 

North Dakota — laboratory of the Non- 
partisan League, 684. 

Social Unit In Cincinnati — report on 
results, 115. 

Their abundance, 368. 

To the President, 305. 

To the presidents of the constitutent 
companies of the U. S. Steel Corpo- 
ration, 750. 

Winnipeg and Seattle strikes In ret- 
rospect, 5. 
Dexter, R. G, 374. 

Home Service in Atlanta, 398. 

Results in Georgia, 650. 
Dial, 255. 
Dickerman, Marion, An "uplifter" and 

a political machine, 362. 
Dispensaries in New York city, 420. 
District of Columbia. 

Hotel and restaurant workers, 748. 

Women's wages, 481. 
Dixon, Theodore, 603, 714. 
Donald, W. J. The Chamber of Com- 
merce secretory, 316. 
Door of opportunity (porter), 661. 
"Double total," 759. 
Dowd, Q. L. Funerals, 584. 
Drafted men, physique, 807. 
Drug clerks, 103, 299. 
Duncan, J. A., 260, 634. 

Agree on a program and act, 267. 

Defeat, 732. 
Dunham, Arthur. Filing, 778. 
Duquesne, Pa., 59. 
Dutchess Bleachery, 615. 

East St. Louis, 588. 
East Side, New York, Americanization, 

East View, N. Y., 619. 
Eastman, E. F. Unrest — from the 

backwoods, 674. 

Easton, W. D., 774. 
Economics, 389. 

Education, 279, 436, 589, 654, 745, 

Ex-soldiers, 746. 

For workers, 437. 

Negroes, 436. 

New Germany, 436. 

Objective, industrial, 271. 
Elections, local, England, etc., 129. 
Electric chair, 603. 
Elliott, J. L. 

After-effects of the war, 669. 

Worn doorstep (Hudson Guild), 769. 
Ellis, Havelock, quoted, 193. 
Emigration of our foreign-born, 539. 
Emotional unrest, 236. 
Employes, federal, 42. 

Otter to, New York city, 322. 

Opinions on industry, 263. 

Opinions on Second lndust. Conf. re- 
port, 425. 

Platform and President's lndust. 
Conf., 41. 

Problems, 827. 

Regularization, 738. 

U. S. Employment Service, 484. 
Employment exchanges, 42. 
Employment service, gov't, 138. 
Endieott, H. B., 42. 

obituary 623. 
Enemy, the (verse), 395. 

Educ. of unemployed youth, 449. 

Farm laborers, 570. 

Local elections, 129. 

Physique, 497. 

Social councils, 652. 

Tenancy, 651. 

Welfare workers, 748. 
English, H. D. W., 260. 

Politics in plan of Second lndust. 
Conf., 431. 

Reason, in labor troubles, 277. 
English language, 600. 

New Hampshire, 410. 
Epstean, Edward, 260. 

According to St. John, 264. 
Esch-Cummins bill, 638. 

See also Cummins bill. 

In peace, 493. 

Tageblatt case, 732. 
Espionage act. 

Kane's protest, 480. 

Supreme Court and, 147. 
Esterbrook A. F., obituary, 161. 

Amer. relief activities, 513. 

Children in the war, 79. 

Credits for, 300. 

Source of unrest for Amer., 224. 

Starvation zones (map), 515. 
European Children's Fund, 516\ 
Evans, Powell, 260. 

Definition of aims in industry, 264. 

Determination of indust. principles, 
Existence, poetry of, 188. 
Eye strain and the movies, 808. 


Democracy in management, 405. 

Crowds on Fifth avenue, 130. 
Fairness, 278. 
Faith, keepers of (portraits and notes), 

535-538, 549. 
Falconer, M. P., 319. 
Fall River, 493. 

Individual and family welfare, 396. 

Non-support, 157. 
Family welfare, 156, 396, 467, 582, 

647, 777. 
Family, The (periodical), 777. 
Far East, woman's crusade, 302. 
Fargo, 688. 

Farm Bureau, Oregon, 397. 
Farmer-Labor Congress, 605. 

England, 570. 

What they want, 568. 
Farnam, H. W., Strength and weakness 

of Second Indust. Conf., 432. 
Fatherless Children of France, 255. 
Fatigue, 738. 

Federal Board for Vocational Educ, 

Investigation begun, 759. 
Federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, 

Federal Council of the Churches of 
Christ in America, 369. 

Call to peace in race relations, 20. 
Federal employes, 42. 

Florida, 655. 

Georgia, 467, 650. 

Segregation, 778. 
Feineman, E. R. Spiritual hunger, 

Feiss, Mr., 42. 
Fife. R. H., Jr., 594. 
Fifth ave., crowds from factories, 130. 
Filing names, 777. 

Finance. American and foreign condi- 
tions, 578. 

America's dependence on Europe, 224. 

European credits, 300. 
Finns in Massachusetts, 409. 
Fisk, E. L. Life Extension Institute, 

Fitch, J. A. : 

Closed shop and other issues of the 
steel strike, 53. 

Other men's rights, 270. 

Workable plan of Second Indust. 
Conf., 429. 
Fitzpatrick, E. A., 746. 
Flag Day, 798. 

Fifth Avenue (ill.), 680. 
Flag of man, the (verse), 421. 
Fletcher, Senator, 551. 
Flint, K. R. B., 464. 
Florida, feeblemindedness, 655. 
Flour, soft wheat, 730. 
Folk art in America, 706. 
Folks, Homer. The war and the chil- 
dren, 79. 

Cause of unrest, 671. 

Distribution, New York, 128. 

New York (state) administration, 600. 
Food Education Society, 129. 
Ford, G. B., 386. 

Foreign Language Governmental Infor- 
mation Service Bureau, 410, 762. 
Foreign missions, 302. 
Foreign Press Service, 369. 
Foreign relief and the churches, 570. 
Foreign trade and credits, 573. 

Child welfare methods and, 365. 

Emigrating? 539. 

Instruction at Armour & Company's, 
Chicago, 772. 

Need of cooperation with native-born, 
Forest devastation (letter), 593. 
Forest recreation, 28. 
Forester, a great, 772. 
Forests of New York counties, project, 

Fort Douglas, 569. 
Fort Leavenworth " Soviet," 498. 
Fortune-telling gipsies 620. 
Forty-Eighters, 255. 

Open forum, 485. 

Philadelphia Y. M. C. A., 774. 
Foster, W. D. Mass. efforts for work- 
ers' homes, 784. 
Foster, W. Z., 260, 421. 

Opinion of Second Indust. Conf. re- 
port, 427. 

Organization in industry, 266. 

Portrait in group, 64. 
Foundlings, 323. 

Framingham, Mass., report of commit- 
tee to appraise work of Community 

Demonstration, 237. 

American relief and reconstruction, 

Amnesty granted, 713 

Old battle front, 186. 

Polish Jews, 635. 

Rebuilding cities. 386. 

Recent strikes, 492. 

Reconstruction of villages, 643. 
France, J. I., Senator, 536, 549. 
Francis, Charles, 260. 

Joint Conf. Council, 264. 

Joint Indust. conferences, 426. 
Francis, H. R., 28. 
Frank, Waldo, quoted, 193. 
Frazier, Governor, 684. 
Free speech, 147, 480. 

Clergymen's protest, 552. 

Labor's view (cartoon), 481. 

New Jersey, 301. 

Open forum, 485. 
Freedom League, 135. 
French, Ada. Alien impressions of 

America, 540. 
Fresno, Cal., community plan, 800. 
Frick. H. C, 228. 
Friends Unit to Germany, 226. 
Fuller, H. A., 606. 
Funerals, a new-old way, 584. 
Furness, C. E., Christmas with the poor 

of Tokyo, 306. 
Furuseth, Andrew, 260. 

Equal citizenship, 266. 
Futurism in Germany, 587. 

Gage, L. J. Open forum, 485. 
Gantt, H. L., quoted, 192. 
Garment workers. See Clothing work- 
Garner Print Works, 405, 615. 
Garwood, C. H., 594. 
Gary, E. H., 36, 53, 86, 421, 750. 

On the open shop, 57. 
Gary, Ind. 

Foreign-born population, 539. 

Impressions and interviews, 65. 

Report of Gen. Educ. Board, 281. 
Gebhart, J. C. Filling in the gaps of 

child life, 313. 
Gen. Educ. Board, report on Gary, Ind., 

Geueral practitioner, 618. 
Georgia, feeblemindedness, 467, 650. 
German war prisoners, 138. 

American relief, 553. 



Art and Labor, 587. 

Christian Socialism, 450. 

Education for workers, 430. 

Friends Unit, 226. 

Housing, 5S6. 

Shop committees, 491. 

Social agencies, 049. 

Trade resumption and distress, 225. 
Germs, ten little, 809. 
Gibson, H. A., 320. 
Gifts, safeguarding, 383. 
Gilchrist, Colonel, 731. 
Giles, Roger, 618. 

Gllman, Bobbins. Unrest in Minneapo- 
lis, 671. 
Gipsies, 620. 

Delinquency and team play, 020. 

Recreational work, 139. 

Rural clubs, 457. 
Gleason, Arthur. 

One year of reconstruction (British), 

Parliament of labor (British), 9. 
Glueck, Bernard, 114. 
Godard, Sarah. 127. 
Golf, P. H., 713. 
Goldwater, Dr., 420. 
Gompers, Samuel. 

Defects of plan of Second Indust. 
Conf., 427. 

Emergency conference, 253. 

On peace-time espionage, 493. 

Resolution (A. F. of L. platform) at 
President's Indust. Conf., 40. 

Resolution presented at President's 
Indust. Conf., 36. 
Good (J. W.) bill, 144. 
Good will, 263. 
Gordon, Geraldine, on lack of unrest 

among Syrians in Boston, 670. 
Govan, James, 775. 
Government, responsible, 588. 
Government clerks, 615. 
Government salaries, 491. 
Grand Rapids, Mich. 

Baby clinic, 743. 

Social Agencies campaign, 583. 
Grant, P. S., 538. 
Graves, H. S., 772. 
Great Britain. 

Expeditionary force in Mesopotamia, 

Industrial developments, summary, 

Miners' case for self-govt., 348. 

Trade unionism, 748. 

See also under Labor. 
Greece, 523. 
Greeks, 130. 

Grenfell, W. T., quoted, 193. 
Group practice, 321. 
Guam, 551. 
Gulick. L. H. Attacking the housing 

problem, 763. 
Gustafson, C. H., 606. 

Halbert, L. A., 374. 

Hall, B. E. Filing, 777. 

Halle, letter from, 224. 

Hamilton, Alex., 535. 

Hamilton, Ohio, 441. 

Hanging. See Capital punishment. 

Harding, M. T. Public health Interest 
in Washington, 742. 

Hardy, P. F. Baby clinic in Grand 
Rapids, Mich., 743. 

Harrison, S. M., 260. 
Adjustments based upon facts, 274. 
Opinion of Second Indust. Conf., 430. 

Hart, A. B., 594. 

Hart, H. H.. 739. 

Hartford, Conn., Jewish charities, 157. 

Harvard University. Cabot's appoint- 
ment, 482. 

Hawaii, sugar plantations, 634. 

Don'ts, 32.3. 
English soldiers, 497. 
Physicians and, 577. 
See also Public health. 

Health insurance anil physicians, 369. 

Healy, William, 113. 

Hedrich, A. W. Amer. Public Health 
Assn. plans, 434. 

Heeb, A. B., 469. 

Helena, Mont., 602. 

Henderson, Arthur, 10. 

Henderson, Daniel. The flag of man 
(verse), 421. 

Henry Street, old church, 13S. 

Hess, Fjeril. A palaced " Ivka," 311. 

Hlgginson, H. L., obituary with por- 
trait. 160. 

Hill, H. W., 743. 

Hill, L. L. Progress in California, 402. 

Hill, T. A. Why Southern Negroes 
don't go South, 183. 

Hilton, W. B., 260. 
Continuous machiuery in industry. 268. 

Hine, L. W. Photographs of children 
in the war, 79. 

Hines, W. D., 492. 

Hodgen, Margaret. 375. 

Hodges, Frank. Workers' control (Brit- 
ish miners), 348. 

Hodson, W. W., 281. 

Hoffman, Malvina. Through Jugoslavia, 

Holden, Raymond. October (verses on 

Alex. Wilson), 1G2. 
Holmes, J. D. Fifth Ave. crowds, 130. 
Holmes, Justice O. W., 537, 549, 624. 

Opinion on espionage act, 147. 
Holy Land. See Palestine. 
Hooker, E. H., 663. 

Modern social hygiene program, 707. 
Home Service. 

Atlanta, 398. 

Extension, 370. 

In 1919, 470. 

Ixmisiana — a morning's experience, 
Homes, art for, 466. 
Homestead, Pa., 58. 
Hookworm, 551. 
Hoover, H. C, 513, 516, 761. 
Horseless cities, 317. 
Hoskins, JeaD. The way out (letter), 

Hospital and Institutional Bureau of 

Consultation, 634. 

Importance, 358. 

Long Island College, 321. 

New bureau, 634. 

New York drive, 320. 

Oliler men on wards, 158. 

Prohibition and, 237. 

Rothschild, in Jerusalem, 175. 
Hotel workers' wages in District of 

Columbia, 748. 
Hours of work, 828. 
House, H. S., 375. 
Houses, haunted, 303. 
Housing. -164. 

Addison's (cartoon), 531. 

Aphorisms from C. Aronovici, 652. 

California commission, 70, 74. 

Cause of unrest, 671. 

Congress and, 317. 

Economy in street planning, 465. 

England, 586. 

Germany, 586. 

Hearing on shortage, 803. 

Immigrants in California, 697. 

Italian peasants' homes (ills.), 692- 

Kentucky, 586. 

Mass. efforts for workers' homes (let- 
ter), 784. 

Portland, Me., and St. Louis, Mo., 

President's Conf. report on, 829. 

Reconstruction of condemned New 
York tenements, 384. 

Scarcity of flats (cartoon), 798. 

Taxes and (letter), 593. 

Tinkham bill, 128. 

Wilmington. Dei., experience (with 
map), 763. 
Howard, E. D., 260. 

Approach to solution of indust. prob- 
lem, 425. 

Permanent (labor) commissiou, 275. 
Hoyer, R. C, 594. 
Huddersfield. Eng., 466, 617. 
Hudson Guild after twenty-five years, 

Hughan, J. W. Clearing the streets 

(verse), 735. 
Hughes, C. E., 417, 535, 549. 
Human behavior, 470. 

See also Conduct. 
Human rights, internatl. protection, 179. 
Human slavery, 620. 
" Hundred neediest cases," 451. 
Hunt, W. H., 441. 
Husted, Congressman, 714. 
Husting, Senator, 150. 
Hutcheson, W. L., 260. 

Natl, labor board, 267. 
Huyck, E. N., 260. 

Public opinion and industry, 263. 
Hylan, J. F., 599. 



Chicago and New York conferences, 

Laws, 654. 
Illinois, older men on hospital duty, 158. 
Immigrant Publication Soc, 410. 

Eagerness to learn, 696-697. 

National heritages of American, 354, 

Rush expected (cartoon), 600. 

Russian boy, 633. 

Slum and, 401. 

Teaching, 410. 
Immigration, 3S7. 

California Commission, 70, 74. 

Future prospects (ills, and notes), 

Pittsburgh conference of Nov. 12-14, 

Restricting, 731. 

Will it be curtailed? 542. 
Immigration, Bureau of, 419. 
Imperial Valley, 73, 76. 
Independent politics, 715. 
India, unrest, 449. 
Indian art (American), 706. 
Individual and family, 390. 
Industrial Couf., Oct. 6, collapse, 105. 

First fortnight's proceedings, 35. 

Groups and representatives, 18. 

Resolutions, outstanding, 40. 

Rockefeller on representation, 38. 

Rockefeller resolution, 3N. 

Why a failure? 276. 
Industrial Conf., Second, 241. 

Complete report, 819-834. 

Constitution for industry: the reports, 

Names, 404. 

Preliminary statement, 339. 

Re convention, 404. 

Reports, 338. 

Symposium of criticism of the report, 
Industrial court, 552. 
Industrial democracy. 

Bibliography, 615. 

Letter from L. Demuth, 130. 

Workers as directors, 303. 
Industrial disputes. 

Adjustment plan, 822. 

Prevention, 821. 
Industrial experts. 

Criticisms of Second Indust. Oonf., 

Opinions, 269. 
Industrial relations. 

Catholic bishops' pastoral letter, 636. 

Criticisms of report of Second Indust. 
Couf, 424. 

Development, 827. 

Physiology, 744. 

Public and standards, 42. 

Svmposium, 260, 261. 

Tribunals, 427, 432. 

Truce, 37. 

Unrest, 491. 
I. W. W. 

Centralia, 173. 

Centralia verdict, 761. 

Cost of living and, 221. 

Dues (letter), 440. 

On trial? 734. 
Industry, 241, 403, 491, 613, 748. 

Changing spirit, 242. 

Employment principles, 41. 

Great Britain, summary, 527. 

Honest government, 271. 

League of industries, 274. 

Needs and demands, 333. 

Negroes in, 572. 

Unrest, British way of dealing with, 

Vestibule schools, 700. 

Way out (letter), 440. 

See also Industrial relations. 
Infant mortality, 139. 

Cartoon, 449. 

Children's Bureau studies, 323. 

Grand Rapids, Mich., 743. 

Negroes, 313. 

Newark, N. J., 744. 

Program, 479. 

Saginaw, Mich., 322. 
Infant welfare. See Child welfare. 

Among wage-earners, 496. 

Australia, 496. 

Cartoon, 4S3. 

Cosmic influence? 618. 

Recurrence, 483. 

Wald, L. D., on, 579. 
Insane in New York, 616. 

Kingsport, Tenn., workers, 4S2. 

Public health vs., 360. 

Unemployment, 572 ; War risk, 759. 
Interchurch World Movement, conf. of 

Jan. 7-10, 441. 
International Conf. of Women Physi- 
cians, resolutions, findings, etc., 110. 
International Congress of Working 

Women, 104. 
International Labor Conf. 

Conventions and recommendations, 

Foreword, 2S8. 

Gathering, membership, etc., 107. 
Inter-Professional Conf., 255. 
Inter-Racial Council, 400. 
Intolerance, 549. 
Iron, Age, 492. 

Italian peasants' homes (ills.), 692,693. 

American relief and reconstruction, 

Peasants (ills, and notes), 545-547. 

Social program, 419. 

Jacobs, P. P. Natl. Tubere. Assn. 

plans, 434. 

Calgary, 136. 

Wichita, 106. 
Japan, 306. 

Greeting to Mr. and Mrs. Robert 
Woods, 373. 

Labor conditions, 3S5. 

New order, 386. 

Social reform, charity and prohibition. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 535. 

Children, 307. 

Rothschild Hospital, 175. 
Jewish charities, advertisements, 649. 

Children in Rumania. 546. 

Hartford, Conn., 157. 

Jewish Court of Arbitration in New 
Sork, 774. 

Northern France, 635. 

Refugees, 400. 

Rights, 179. 
Johnson, Albert, 387, 388. 
Johnson, F. E., 260. 

Conscience and intelligence (industry), 

Opinion of Second Indust. Conf., 431. 

Quoted, 192. 
Johnson, F. R., 374. 

Detroit relief, 648. 
Johnson, H. W., 536, 549. 
Johnson, J. W., 448. 
Johnson, V. V. Travelers' aid work, 

Johnston, R. B. Rural clubs for boys 

and girls, 457. 
Joint Conf. Council, 264. 
Joint conferences, 426. 
Joint industrial councils, 276. 
Jones, E. K. Race riots (letter), '324. 
Jones, Mother, portrait in group, 64. 
Journals. See Periodicals. 
Judge Baker Foundation, '-'39. 
Judges and labor laws, 571. 
Jugoslavia, 522. 

Journey through, 681. 
Justice, Southern, 369, 572. 


Kane, F. F., 487, 538, 550, 604. 

Letter of resignation as United States 
District Attorney, 501. 

Protest and resignation, 480. 
Kansas, indust. court, 552. 
Kansas City, 255, 374. 
Kaziuci, Father, 537, 550. 
Keepers of the faith (portraits and 

notes), 535-538, 549. 
Keeping young, 618. 
Kelley, Florence, 367. 

Speaker Sweet and the women's bills, 
Kendall, H. P., 260. 

Industrial statesmanship, 263. 
Kennedy, J. S., report on Bedford Re- 
formatory, 801. 

Children, 453. 

Conference of Social Work, annual 
meeting, 243. 

Cooperative council, 137. 

Housing bill, 586. 
Kenyon-Nolan bill, 138, 484. 
Kerner, R. J. Social beginnings of the 

Czechoslovak republic, 169. 
" Kids," 82, 83. 
Kimball, A. M., 772. 
King, F. A., 260. 

Action (industrial), 270. 
Kingsport, Tenn., 482. 
Kirchwey, G. W., 112, 138. 
Kirschbaum (A. B.) Co., 635. 
Knipp, G. E., 594. 
Kohler, M. J., Internatl. protection of 

human rights, 179. 
Korenica, 683. 
Kossovo, 682. 
Krysto, Christina, 440. 

California's labor camps, 70. 

See also Lubin, S. J., and Christina 


Bill of rights, 253. 

British Trades Union Congress, 9. 

California camps, 70. 

Capital and, solidarity (cartoon), 529. 

Cleveland Chamber of Commerce dec- 
laration, 748, 749. 

Couf. at A. F. L. building in Wash- 
ington, 370. 

Constructive policy, 336. 

Demands vs. needs of industry, 333. 

Developments (cartoons). 106. 

Education for workers, 437. 

England, agricultural, 570. 

Japan conditions, 385. 

Land and, 405. 

Natl, board, 267. 

New code, 287. 

New Jersey council, 44. 

New strategy. 242. 

Porto Rico, 601. 

Proposals at Industrial Conf. of Oct. 
6, 40. 

Public health and, 303. 

Railroads and, 038. 

Recent books on, reviews, 407, 781. 

Report of Secy, of Labor, 403. 

Social service responsibility — ■ Aber- 
deen, 156. 

Williams, Whiting, 738. 

See also Industrial relations; Interna- 
tional Labor Conf. 
Labor Conf. of Oct. 6. See 

Conf. of Oct. 6. 
Labor laws and judges, 571. 
Labor leaders. 

Opinions on industry, 266. 

Opinions on Second Indust. Conf., 427. 
Labor party of the U. S., 303. 

First natl. convention, 229. 
Labor Statistics, Bureau, 798. 
I. aclies' garment workers, 384. 
La idler, H. W., 255. 
Land and labor, 405. 



Landon, A. A. Resolution presented at 
the President's ludnst. Couf., 37. 

Lane, P. K., Iiis experience uud bis 
bopes deferred, sio. 

Lane, \V. D. 

liuford willows, 391. 

Criticism of American prisons, 112. 

Kentucky's children, 453. 

Westchester, 140. 
Lapsley, A. B., 069. 
Larkspur, 495. 
l.askor, Bruno, 058. 

Life line: Amer. relief activities In 
Europe and Near East, 513. 

Reconstruction of French villages, G43. 

Snow and sand, 573. 

Uuwalled to»ns, 675. 
Lasker, L. D., Back in the districts, 

Laturop, Julia, 754. 
Lauck, \V. J., 260. 

A permanent congress (indust.), 273. 
Lawes, L. E., 299. 
League of Nations, Negro sentiment, 

League of Small and Subject Nationali- 
ties, 136. 
League of Women Voters, New York, 


Lee, F. S., 744. 

Lee, Joseph. Citizenship in charity 

(letter), 440. 

W. 6., 748. 

Leebron, Harvey, 324. 
LefkowitZ, Abraham, 2G0. 

Abortive program of Second Indust. 
Conf., 427. 

Eliminate the wage system, 268. 
Legge, T. M., 323. 
!.eiteh plan, 277. 
Lenox, Mass., typical "home" (ill.), 

Lette, n. L., 594. 
Lewinski-Corwiu. E. H., 420. 
I#wis, li. G., 401, 499. 
lewis, O. F. Juvenile delinquency, 765. 
Lexington, Ky., schools, 655. 

Civil, 109. 

Is it safe? 4S7. 

See also Civil liberties. 
Library of Portsmouth Naval Prison, 

Lice, 495. 
Life Extension Institute, 618. 

Plans, 433. 
Lincoln, Abraham, selections from his 

writings, 569. 
Lindsey, Catherine, 375. 
Liquor in the Philippines, 634. 
Lissnor, Meyer, 324. 
Littledale, H. A., 637, 759. 
Liverpool docks, 385. 
Lloyd George, David, 528. 
Lodging-House Union, 127. 
London Charity Org. Soc, name, 324. 
London Times, 303. 

Long Island, typical suburb (ill.), 678. 
Long Island College Hospital, 321. 

Liverpool, 385. 

Strike cartoon, 106. 
Los Angeles. 

Education, 410. 

Theater Arts Alliance, 257. 

Medicine shows, 495. 

Morning of Home Service, 780. 
Louisville, 594. 

Community Council, 158. 

Consumers' League, 227. 

Psychological laboratory. 710. 
Love, J. W. Cleveland method, 402. 
Lovejoy, O. R., 700. 
Lubin, S. J., 74. 
Lubin, S. .1.. and Christina Krysto. 

Cracks in the melting pot (America), 

Menace of Americanization, 010. 

Nation building (America), 090. 

Nationality (America), 352. 

Significance of modern migration 
(America), 461. 

Will immigration be curtailed? 542. 
I.umb, <i. F. Steel strike issue (letter 

with replyr, 372. 
Lumber regions, Americanization work, 

Lundberg, E. O. Unmarried mothers, 

Lusk, C. R., SOO. 
I.nsl; Committee's licensing schools of 

social work, 799. 


McClellan, Warren. 019. 

McCombs, C. E., 744. 

McCoi-mack, A. T., 495. 

McCormiek, Anne. Oregon Farm Bu- 
reau, 397. 

MacCurdy, J. T., 603. 
Psychological aspect of the present un- 
rest, 065. 

McDonald, Mr. Replies to bis letter 
on Mexico, 213. 

MacDonald, Ramsey, 19. 

McDowell, M. E. In the stockyards, 

Maekaye, Percy, quoted, 192. 

McKeesport, Pa., 59. 

McLennan, W. E. The alien and the 

law, 671;. 
Mc.Mahon, T. S. Centralia and the I. 

W. W., 173. 
Macy, V. E., 1 10. 

Madras physician on influenza, 018. 
Mahoney, J. J., 437. 

Health survey, SOS. 

Mother's aid in, G4S. 
Mallery, O. T., 260. 

Soundness of plan of Second Indust. 
Conf., 432. 

Steps toward solution (industrial), 

Malone, Winifred, 809. 
Man, economic valuation, 479. 
.Management, 303. 

Cooperative, 274. 
Mansfield Mrs. Richard, 600. 
Margold, C. W., 409. 
Marketing, collective, 418. 
Marshall, M. E., 375. 
Marshall's Bridge Refugee Camps, 13. 
Masaryk, T. G., 171, 172. 
Mason, T. J., 375. 

Child labor laws, 589. 

Example in industry, 272. 

Minimum wage, 138. 

State homes for workers (letters), 

Wages and charity, 801. 
Matson, C. K. Cleveland community 

chest, 399. 
Matsuda, D. T. American settlements, 

Meat, cheaper, 701. 
.Medical education, 20. 
Medical service in British schools, 417. 

Increasing socialization, 357. 

North Carolina, free, 497. 

State, 320. 
Medicine shows, 495. 
Mehren, E. J., 255. 
Melting pot, 258. 
Mental hygiene, 470, 497. 
Mercier, Cardinal, 23. 
Meredith, F. L. Phvsicians and health, 

Mesopotamia, 13. 

Methodist Book Concern, 26, 375. 
Methodist Episcopal Church American- 
ization work, 409. 

Social service creed, 20. 
Metropolitan Life Ins. Co., 4S2, 490. 
Mexicans, 70. 

Child welfare. 371. 

Letter from R. Walker, 243. 

Our links with, 7G2. 

Progress, 383. 
Mexico Citv, prospective labor congress, 

Mice and milk bottle, 470. 

State Conf. of Social Work, continuous 
action, 407. 

State prison " sing," 240. 
Michigan, Univ. of, 374. 
Migration, significance of modern, 461. 
.Milan, 300. 
.Miles. II. E., 0G3. 

Vestibule schools, 700. 
Military training, 575, 715. 

New York Milk Committee, 139. 

Two bills. 002. 
Milliners, 301. 
Mills, G. W. The insane in New York, 


British, case for self-govt., 348. 

See also Coal strike. 
Minimum wages. 

Hotel workers, District of Columbia, 

Massachusetts, 138. 

I'ivic Players, 774. 

Social workers. 468. 

Town Tea Kettle, 5S3. 
Minnesota, child care, 280. 
Minnesota, Univ. of., study of babies, 

Minturn, Justice J. F., 301, 53S, 549. 
Missions in China, 030. 
Mitchell, M. H. Another " gap " (let- 
ter), 440. 
Mobert, Helen. Health work of settle- 
ments, 744. 
Canada. 150. 

Comparing subscriptions, 157. 
Montana, Americanization, 409. 
Montesano, I. W. W. trial, 734. 
Conference, Jan. 14-10. 473. 
Social Worker (periodical), 585. 
Moore, E. C, quoted, 192. 
Morale and morals. 674. 
Morgenthan. Henry. 44S. 
Morones, L. M.. 383. 
Morris. Mary C., 754. 
Mortality in colton mills, 493. 
Mortenson, C. E., 481. 
MoskOWitz, Mrs. Henry. 754. 
Motherhood, G88. 

Club for working mothers, 716. 

School for, 323. 

Unmarried, 779. 

Unmarried, at work, G41. 

Unmarried, Boston Society, report, 
.Mother's aid in Maine, 048. 
Motion pictures. 

Cooperation of operators with clothing 
strikers, 035. 

Daylight projection, 051. 

Normal ration, 808. 
Mulry Club, 22. 
Municipal research, present programs, 

Murder and children, 319. 
Murphy, I. G. Unmarried mother at 

work, 041. 
Murray, John, obituary, 162, 244. 
Music in state prison, Michigan, 240. 


Namae, T., 386. 

Names, changing, 633. 

Nation building, 690, 692-093. 096-097. 

Federal department suggested, 694. 
National Catholic Welfare Council, 759. 
National Child Welfare Assn., plans, 

National Civil Liberties Bureau, 480. 
National Conf. of Social Work. 

Boat to New Orleans, 715. 

Parker made secretary, 599. 

Parker's address at Cincinnati, 731. 

Preparations and prospects, 760. 
National Educ. Assn., 279. 
National Information Bureau (Investiga- 
tion Bureau), 27, 658. 
National Safety Council, policy, 435. 
National League of Woman Voters, 637. 
National Tuberc. Assn., plans, 434. 
National Urban League, way out (solu- 
tion of race relations), 184, 
Nationalism, Jane Addams on, 524. 
Nationalization 260. 
Nationality, 352, 461. 
Naturalization, 387. 
Naval Prison, Portsmouth, 309. 
Navy, U. S., injustice in trials, 499. 
Near East, relief, 513, 730. 
Nearing, Scott. October (verse), 390. 
Nebraska, administrative code, 588. 
" Neediest cases, hundred," 451. 

Bust of a child (ill.), 183. 

Child welfare, 313. 

Education, 436. 

Federal Council of Churches, on, 20. 

In industry, 572. 

Model town, 651. 

North Carolina communities, 772. 

Pittsburgh. 416. 

Re-trial, 369. 

Sedition, 448. 

Sentimeuts on the League (letter), 

Tuskegee conf., 506. 

Why they do not return South, 183. 
Neighborhood workers' views on unrest, 

Neighhorliness, 798. 
Neill, C. P. Abrams et al case (letter), 

Neilson, Miss, 0S4. 
Nervo, Amado, 189. 
Neuvilly, 186. 

New England, old towns (Ills.), 077. 
New Hampshire, English language in, 

New Jersey. 

Birth registration, G18. 

Free speech, 301. 

Labor Council, 44. 

Prison guards, 20. 

Trade education in prisons, 409. 
New Mexico, health department, 809. 
New Orleans. 

By boat to National Conf., 715. 

Public health resolutions. 237. 

See also National Conf. of Social 
New York (city). 

Absence of trees and greens, 464. 

Children neglected, 322. 

Clothing town, 586. 

Community trust, 713. 

Conf. on illegitimacy, 747. 

Dispensaries, 420. 

Industrial hygiene, 322. 

Influenza, 579. 

Jewish Court of Arbitration. 774. 

Opportunity missed, 404. 

Probation Court, 770. 

Schools, 589. 

Snow-bound, 599. 

Town meeting ball, 604. 
New York (state). 

Food distribution, 128. 

Insane, 610. 

Legislation and Socialists, 417. 

Licensing private schools, 799. 

Reforestation, 001. 
New York Call, 400. 
New York Evening Post, 037. 
New York Library Employes' Union, 

New York Milk Committee, 139. 
New York Probation and Protective 

\ -i., 063. 
New York State Reconstruction Com- 
mission, 384, 608. 

New York Times, 451. 
New York World, 417. 
Newark, N. J. 

Consumers' League conference, 481. 

Infant mortality, 744. 

Parks, 773. 

Shakespeare, 402. 
Newman, Sir George, 417. 
Newsholme, Sir Arthur. Increasing 

socialization of medicine, 357. 

Foreign Press Service, 369. 

Smallest, 384. 
Nickel, the, 402. 

Nonpartisan League, laboratory. 6S4. 
Non-support, 157. 
Norfolk, Va., health center, 739. 
North Carolina. 

Child labor, 634. 

Credit unions for farmers, 393. 

Health bulletin, 236. 

Negro community life, 772. 

Privies, 321. 

State and County Council, 158. 

State medicine, 497. 
North Dakota, laboratory of the Non- 
partisan League, 684. 
Norton, W. J. Detroit community 

chest, 399. 
Nunn-Bush Shoe Co., 242. 
Nurses, 323. 

Ohio Assn. and the Social Unit, 440. 
Nursing, indust. and pre-natal care, 


Oakesmith, John, quoted, 193. 
Oakland, Cal., strike penalty, 567. 
Oberlin Independent Voters' Club, 715. 

Endicott, H. B., 623. 

Osier, Wm., 389. 

Pullman, R. W., 713. 

Southard, E. E., 623. 
O'Brian, J. L., 538, 549. 
October (verse), 162, 390. 

Health law, particulars, 496. 

Welfare Council, annual meeting, 243. 
Oklahoma, birth registration. 743. 
Older men, hospital work in Illinois, 

Omsk, 698. 

Ontario, prison construction, 775. 
Open forum, 485. 
Open shop, E. H. Gary on, 57. 

America's, 691. 

Door of (poster), 661. 

Foreign-horn eagerness to learn, 696- 
Oppressed nations, 136. 
Oregon, 533. 

Farm bureau, 397. 
i Organization. 

Consumers', 270. 

Industrial, 266. 
Osborne, F. J. Amer. Soc. for the Con- 
trol of Cancer, 435, 441. 
Osborne, T. M., 309. 

Retirement, 797. 
Osier, William, obituary, 889, 
Oswego county, New York, 862. 
Otis, E. O., on tuberculosis, 
Out-houses, 321. 

Overstreet, H. A. Teachers and organ- 
ized labor. 730. . 

Owen, Robert, 179. 

Paeh. Walter, 706. 
Pacifism, constructive, 3S7. 
Packard, F. E., 685. 
Packers, dissolution, 304. 
Palaced " Ivka," 311. 

Health work, 175. 

See also Jerusalem. 
Palmer, A. M. 

American experiment, 146. 

Letter accepting Kane's resignation, 
Pan-American labor congr. , 5G8. 
Parenthood, new books on, 752. 
Parker, Mrs. C. H., 599. 
Parker, W. II. 

Appointment, 599. 

On efficient democracy, 731. 

National, 28. 

Nuisances near, 315. 

Poetry in, 773. 
Parsons. Geoffrey, quoted, 192. 
Pate", Henry, 745. 
Palent medicines, 495. 
Paton, Stewart, 23(1. 

Applied, 532. 

Pseudo-patriotic propaganda, SOO. 
Peabody, F. G., on Dr. Cabot, 482. 
Pea body, G. F., 450. 

European (ills.), 544-547. 

European children (ills.), 542, 545- 
Pediculosis, 495. 
Penal colony, 551. 
Pennsylvania. Conf. of Social Welfare, 



Periodicals, changes, 254. 

Perlman, Jess. Unfilled pledges. 671. 

Perry, A. K., 493. 

Perry, B. B., 527. 

Personals. 324, 374, 594, 623, 754. 

Petavel, J. \V., 449. 

Peterson, B, A., 375. 

Pbelan, J. J., quoted, 193. 


I 'rices, 604, 

" Reform " administration, 636. 

Y. M. C. A. forum under fire, 774. 
Philippines and liquor, 634. 
Pliinney, S. H., 594. 
Physical education. Elizabeth Tillon 

on, 745. 
Physical fitness, standards, 589. 

Doubtful signs, 369. 

General practitioner in Victoria, B. 
C, 618. 

Health and, 577. 

Lesson, 497. 

See also Iuternatl. Couf. of Women 
Physiology, industrial, 744. 
Physique of drafted men, 807. 
Pickens, Wm., 594. 
Pilson, E. I. Children of the Night 

(verse), 456. 
Plnchot, GilTord. Why timber is dear 

(letter), 593. 

Closed towns in the steel strike, 58. 

Competition in exchanges, 647. 

Immigration conf., 221. 

Irene Kaufman Settlement, 623. 

Kingsley House and Negroes, 416. 
Pittsburgh Survey, 791. 
Piatt, P. S., 375. 

Playgrounds, national forests as, 28. 
Pledges, unfilled, 671. 
Plumb, G. H., 415. 

In parks, 773. 

Recent social, 188. 

See also Verse. 
Pogroms in Poland, 448. 
Point of order, 410. 

American relief and reconstruction, 

Credits for, 730. 

Peasant women (ill.), 545. 

Pogroms, 448. 

Typhus, 731. 
Police and Chicago children, 458. 
Political offenders, 318. 
Political prisoners, amnesty for, 371. 
Political refugees, 388. 
Politics, machine, and " uplifter," 362. 
Pollock, H. M., 497. 
Pollock, J. C, 106, 498. 
Pond, A. P., quoted, 192. 
Porcelain, peaceful revolution lu, 190. 
Porter, H. F. J., 44, 260. 

League of industries, 274. 

Letter on strike at Demuth pipe fac- 
tory, 130. 

Opinion of Second Industrial Conf., 
Portland, Me., 465. 
Portland, Ore., 533. 
Porto Rico, labor, 601. 
Portsmouth, N. H., Naval Prison, 309. 
Portsmouth, Ohio, community service, 

Post, L. F., 254, 260. 

Puhlic control, industry. 277. 
Poverty and education, 449. 
Powlison, C. F., Natl. Child Welfare 

Assn., plans, 434. 

City hall (111.), 171. 

Citv of spires (ill.), 165. 

St. Vitas cathedral (ill.). 170. 

Survey hy American method, 172. 

T. W. C. A., 311. 
Pregnancy, notification of, 617. 
Prenatal care. 139, 236. 
President's Industrial Conf. See In- 
dustrial Conf. of Oct. 6 ; Industrial 

Conf., Second. 
Prevention of industrial disputes, 821. 
Prices, 573. 

Meat, 761. 
Printers' Council. 606. 
Printers' ink. 103. 
Printers' League, 264. 
Printers' strike, 231. 

Effect on publication of The Sur- 
vey, 43. 

Political. 371. 

" Soviet " at Leavenworth, 498. 

Criticism (Lane), 112. 

East View, Westchester County. N. 

y., Rio. 

Ontario, 775. 

Portsmouth. N. H., 309. 

" Sing " at Michigan state prison, 

Strait jacket. 240. 

Trade education, 499. 

Wages of guards. 20. 

Westchester county, 142. 
Privies, 321. 

Federal need. 775. 

New York city court, 776. 

Procter & Gamble Co., 303. 
Professionals, uuion of, 137. 
Professions, 255. 
Profit sharing, 830. 

Arrival of national, 418. 

Hospitals and, 237. 

Japan's interest in, 733. 

United States aud Congress (cartoon), 

Constructive, 400. 

Pseudo-patriotic, 800. 
Proportional representation, 129. 
Psychiatric clinic, 142. 

Problem in, 451. 

Unrest, 665, 673. 
Public, the, industrial standards and, 

Public (periodical), 254. 
Public Educ. Assn., 589. 
Public employes, 820, S31. 
Public employment clearing bouse, 833. 
Public health, 235, 320, 433, 495, 616, 
742, 807. 

Augusta, Me., survey, 808. 

Cleveland, 567. 

Health goals, 235. 

Influenza and the nation, 4S3. 

Insurance vs., 360. 

Labor and, 303. 

Norfolk, Va., center, 739. 

Ohio law, 496. 

Palestine. 175. 

Plans, 237. 

Plans of national agencies. 433. 

Bed Cross plans, 451. 

State cabinet, 618. 

Washington, 742. 
Public health nursing, Natl. Org., 

plans, 435. 
Public health officers, function, 743. 
Public Health Service, 302. 

Plans, 433. 
Public opinion, 263, 485. 
Public utilities, 825. 
Pullman, B. W., obituary, 713. 
Purcell-Guild, Mrs., 620. 


Quacks, 495. 

Quarantine in Australia, 496. 

Quiet, queer, 729. 


Race relations. 

Arkansas, 233. 

Federal Council of Churches on, 20. 

Hearing on Senate resolution, 448. 

Natl. Urban League's solution, 184. 

Preventing riots (letter), 324. 
Badicals, 305. 

Set free, 798. 
Bag business, 367. 
Raids. See Aliens ; Deportations. 

Going back, 403. 

Labor and, 638. 

Legislation, 492. 

Nearing the end (cartoon), 416. 
Rail, Udo, 569. 
Randall, 3. L., 811. 
Raukin, W. S., 237. 321. 
Ravage, M. E., 400. 

Books on, 193. 

By destruction, 403. 

Catholic church and, 21. 

Great Britain, one year summary, 

Forest, 28. 

CHrls' recreational work, 139. 
Red Cross. 

Christian seals. 230. 

Extension of Home Service, 370. 

Health plans, 451. 

Language bureau, 762. 

League of Red Cross Societies Org., 

Plans. 433. 

Relief in Europe and Near East. 518. 

Siberian work. 698. 

See also Home Service. 
Red flag, auctioneer's. 797. 

Books as evidence against, 567. 

Set free, 798. 

Crothers, S. M.. on, 106. 

Freedom for (letter), 440. 

Armenian, 342. 343. 

Armenian and Assyrian, 13. 

Jewish. 400. 

Siberian 698. 

American activities in Europe and 
the Near East, 513. 

Foreign, churches and, 570. 

Near East, 730. 

Post-discharge. Canada, 159. 

Regenerating public relief, 648. 
Religious liberty. 181. 
Rents in England, 651. 
Representation, address by J. D. Rock- 
efeller. Jr.. before the President's 
Indust. Conf., 38. 

Representation government, 417. 

Cartoon, 417. 

Down with (cartoon), 480. 
Responsible government, 588. 
K< siaurants, wages in District of Co- 
lumbia, 748. 
Revolution, 53. 

Bice, S. A. Point of order. 410. 
Rich, M. E.. 824. 
Riggs, Harry, 730. 
Bights, others*, 270. 
Riots, race (letter), 324. 
Ripley, W. Z., 200. 

Code and tribunals in industry, 269. 
Roberts, A. H., 572. 
Roberts, Richard, quoted, 193. 

Bestoration of civil liberty, 109. 
Robinson, L. R. 

Armenian republic, 342. 

At the gates of Bagdad, 13. 
Roche, Josephine, 762. 
Rock Island arsenal, 479. 
Rockefeller, .1. D., benefactions, 368. 
Rockefeller, J. D., Jr., 30. 

Representation — an address, 38. 
Rockefeller Fouudatiou, 20. 
Rockford College, 437. 
Rome, street group (ill.), 692. 
Roseuwald, Julius, 819. 
Rothenberg, Israel, 633. 
Rothschild Hospital iu Jerusalem, 175. 
Round Tables, 663. 
Rubinow, I. M., Palestine health 

work, 175. 
Eumania, 523. 

Starving Jewish children, 546. 
Buotolo, Onorla, 331. 

Sculpture (ill.). 329. 
Eural clubs for boys and girls, 457. 
Bural credits, 393. 
Eural sanitation, 302. 
Bussell Definite Index, 777. 

American relief and reconstruction, 

End of blockade, 452. 
Bussian boy immigrant, 633. 

Banqueting American teachers, 697. 

Refugees in Siberia, 698. 
Rutbenians. 650. 
Rutte\ Paul de, 643. 

Safety, Natl. Council, 435. 

Saginaw, Mich., infant mortality, 322. 

St. Louis. 

Amer. Legion, 255. 

Chamber of Commerce on Mexico, 

Children's institutions, 590. 

Housing, 465. 

Zone plan, 465. 
Sales, combination, 604. 
Salzburg, letter from, 225. 
Saudburg, Carl. Farmer-Labor Con- 
gress, 605. 
San Diego forum, 485. 
San Francisco. 

Round table, 663. 

Social Workers' Alliance, 375. 
Sanders, Bessie, 780. 
Sanders, W. E., 465. 
Sanderson, R. W. "Great Unrest" 

(letter), 324. 
Sandiford, Peter. Education in new 

Germany, 436. 

Labeled out-houses, 321. 

Rural, 302. 
Saposs, D. J. 

How the steel strike was organized, 

Sketch, 67. 
Saratoga Springs, 450. 
Schamberg, M. L.. 706. 
Schauffler, H. P., 603. 
Schmidlapp. J. G., obituary, 374. 
School gardens, 811. 
School health advertising, 279. 

Censorship — Lusk Committee, 799. 

Criticism of public. 589. 

For social work. 299. 

Lexington, Ky., 655. 

Medical service. England, 417. 

Night study, 441. 

Of social physiology, 300. 

Queer quiet In. 729. 

Yards. Chicago 653. 
Scndder, V. D.. 255. 
So'igor. H. R., 260. 

Federal commission (labor), 271. 

Needs of industry and demands of 
org. labor, 333. 

Central Labor Council, 410. 

Duncan's defeat, 732. 

General strike in retrospect, 5. 

Mayoralty, 634. 

Newspaper censorship, 222. 

Park gates, 315. 
Sedition. 305. 422. 

Nesrroes. 448. 
Sedition bills. 549, 550. 

Husted's, 714. 
Seirregatlon, feebleminded, 778. 
Selden, O. A., 685. 

Selekman. B. M. Democracy In mill 
management, 405. 



British miners, 348. 

Test, 619. 
Sclvin, Edwin, 223. 
Serbia, Christmas, 254. 
Settlement, 384. 

Health work, 744. 

Japanese view, 574. 

Symposium on unrest, 669. 
Shakespeare, exit, 402. 
Shaw, S. Adele. 

Closed towns: intimidation in Pitts- 
burgh steel district, 58. 

Reply to G. F. Lumb on steel strike 
(letter), 372. 

Sketch, 58. 
Sbellabarger, Eloise. 

Land and labor, 405. 

Whiting, Williams, employer, 738. 
Shientag, B. L., 571. 
Shoddy, 367. 

Shop Assistants' Union, 748. 
Shop committees. 39. 

darner Print Works, 405, 615. 

Germany, 491. 

Paid agent for, 242. 

Rock Island arsenal, 479. 
Shrouds of shoddy, 367. 
Siberia, 698. 

American relief, 521. 

Our own little, 551. 
Sign in Victoria, B. C, 618. 
Simkhovitch, M. K. Unrest — prices 

and prohibition, 673. 
Simons, H. A., 498. 
Simpson, T. H., 409. 
Sing Sing's new warden, 299. 
Single tax in Canada, 415. 
Skeel, E. B., 375. 
Slade, W. A. Books and boys in 

Portsmouth Prison, 309. 
Slave gallery in church, 138. 
Slave trade, 180. 
Slavery, 620. 
Sloan, John, 706. 
Sloane, W. M., quoted, 192. 

Elimination, 384. 

Immigrants aud, 401. 
Smillie, Robert, 9, 12. 
Smith, Barry C. Natl. Information 

Bureau (letter), 658. 
Smith, Everard H., 754. 
Sneddon, David, 704. 

Teachers and organized labor, 737. 
Snow in New York streets, 599. 
Social agencies. 

Canada, 156. 

Competition, 647. 

Endorsement, 27. 

Germany, 649. 
Social economics. 389. 
Social hygiene, 319. 

Modern program, 707. 

Program, 105. 
Social physiology, school of, 300. 
Social problems, teaching citizenship 

through, 532. 
Social service, labor's responsibility. 

Social Service News (Baptist periodi- 
cal), 716. 
Social Unit. 

Cincinnati report on results (Devine), 

National, 254. 

Ohio nurses and (letter), 440. 
Social unrest, 305. 

How to meet (letter! , 324. 
Social Welfare Conf. of Canada, 473. 
Social work. 

Continuous action, 467. 

Schools for. 299. 
Social Worker, The (Montreal peri- 
odical). 585. 
Social Workers. 

Crothers, S. M.. on, 106. 

Frame of government and, 608. 

Minneapolis, 408. 
Socialist Review, 255. 

Albany: What Assemblymen's dis- 
trlcts are thinking 1 , 767. 

Ave they citizens? 417. 

Emblems, 4S7. 

Education for discharged, 746. 

Physique of drafted men. 807. 

Post-discharge relief in Canada, 159. 

Rehabilitation of disabled, 637. 
Solidarity of capital and labor (car- 
toon), 529. 
Solitary confinement, 240. 
Sonic. Ceorge, 260. 

Constructive criticism (Industry), 

Control of credit, 272. 

Justice to Negroes. 369, 572. 

Rural credits, 393. 

Why Negroes do not return to, 183. 
South Carolina State Board of Health, 

South End House, 127. 
Southard. E. E., ohituary, 623. 
South port, N. C, 315. 
Snvietism, 479. 

Fort Leavenworth, 498. 
Spaulding. F. E., 410. 
Speechless meetings, 651. 
Spellins. 383. 
Spiritual hunger, 672. 



Springs, medical, 450. 

Standard of physical fitness, 589. 

Stanglaud, C. E., 6S6. 

Starr case, 602. 

Starvation zones in Europe (map), 

Statesmanship, industrial, 263. 
Steel industry. 
Aftermath of strike, 492. 
Closed shop and other strike issues, 

End of strike. 421. 
Gary, Ind., 539. 

Gomper's resolution on the strike, 36. 
How the strike was organized, 67. 
Pittsburgh district's closed towns, 58. 
Situation, 335. 
Statement of E. T. Devine to the 

companies' presidents. 750. 
Strike cartoons, 105, 106. 
Strike issue (letter and reply), 372. 
Wage increase, 614. 
Worker (ill.), 49. 
Steffan, Roger, Portsmouth's com- 
munity service, 468. 
Stella, Joseph. Steel worker (ill.), 49. 
Sterling-Graham bill, 493, 549. 
Sternberger, Mrs. Harry. Are our 

foreign-born emigrating? 539. 
Stillman, C. C. Grand Rapids cam- 
paign, 5S3. 
Stimson. H. L., 260. 

The "Leitch" plan, 277. 
Stimulation, 582, SI 4. 
Stoddard, W. I,., 260. 
Objective education, 271. 
Too much federalism in plan of Sec- 
ond Indust. Conf., 430. 
Stone, N. I., 260. 
Plan of the Second Indust. Gouf., 

Voluntary arbitration, 273. 
Stone, W. S., 605, 748. 
Stoneborough, Mrs. Jerome, 761. 
Strait jacket, 240. 

Street, Elwood. Louisville social plan- 
ning, 158. 
Street planning, 465. 
Anti-strike law in Colorado, 415. 
Bituminous coal conditions, 150. 
Demuth pipe factory, 130. 
Drug clerks, 103, 299. 
During 1910. 491. 
France, mobilizing strikers, 715. 
France, recent, 494. 
Milliners, 301. 
Penalty, Oakland, 567. 
Printers, 231. 

Printers, and The Survey, 43. 
Printers', by-product, 103. 
Steel, aftermath. 492. 
Steel industry, closed shop and other 

issues, 53. 
Steel strike, how org., 67. 
Steel strike end. 421. 
Winnipeg & Seattle in retrospect, 5. 
Sfnmovka. 311. 

Students' cooperative bouses, 602. 
Subnormal. 157. 
Subscriptions, comparing, 157. 
Success, need for, 470. 
Sugar, 604. 
Cost. 415. 
Hawaii, 634. 
Supreme Conri, reassurance from, 147. 
Survey, The. 
Annual statement, 22 Nov., section IT. 
Composite issue, method of printing 

described, 51. 
Printers' strike and publication plan 

(editor's statement!. 43. 
Publication scheme. 793. 
Roster of cooperating subscribers, 

794, 790. 
Story of, 790. 
Survey Associates. 
Annual meeting, notice, 46. 
Common footing, 792. 
Health, Cleveland, 567. 
Susquehanna county, Pa., 315. 
Sweet, T. C, 362. 
Cartoon. 480. 
Women's bills and, 453. 
Swimming, 1-04. 
Symposium on industry. 261. 

Contributors' names with notes, 260. 
Symposium on unrest, views of neigh- 
borhood workers, 669. 
Syphilis, 497. 

Congenital, 323. 
Syria, case work, 600. 

Taft, W. H., 260. 
Why the first industrial conf. failed, 
Tageblatt case, 732. 
Tarbell, I. M., 260. 
Cooperative management, 274. 
Machinery for settliug industrial dis- 
putes, 432. 
Resolution on child labor, 45. 
Resolution on women's work, 45. 
Taussig, Frances, 374. 
Taut, Bruno, 5S7. 
Taxation, See Single tax. 
Taxation (periodical), 255. 
Taylor, A. E., 513. 

Taylor, Graham. At Gary, impres- 
sions and interviews, 65. 
Giving them a voice, 279. 
Organized labor and, 736, 737. 
Salaries, 410. 
Supply, 590. 
Unions, 729. 
Teaching, specialized, 437. 
Telephone workers and service, New 

York, 633. 
Ten little germs, 809. 
Tenants, ejection, England, 651. 
Tenements, typical (ill.), 67S. 
Tennessee, 572. 
Tennessee State Conf., 397. 
Textile industry, women wage-earners, 

Thanksgiving, 137. 
Thayer, Scofield, 255. 
Theater, Los Angeles, 257. 
Thomas, J. H., 12. 
Thomas, J. O. Negroes and the 

League (letter), 593. 
Thomason, C. C. Applied patriotism, 

Thome, F. C. Letter on John Mur- 
ray, 244. 
Thrift, Dutchess Bleachery plan, 615. 
Tighe, M. F., 260. 
In the other fellow's place, 267. 
Opinion of Second Indust. Conf., 428. 
Tilton, Elizabeth. For a sturdier race, 

Timber, why it is dear (letter), 593. 
Times square district, 603. 
Tinkham bill, 128. 
Tobey, J. A. Red Cross plans, 433. 
Todd', A. J., 260. 

Honest industrial govt., 271. 
Tokyo, 306. 
Toleration, 485. 
Tombstone, Ariz., 571. 
Town meeting (ill.), 679. 
Town meeting ball. New York, 601. 
Town planning, 401. 

France. 643. 
Town Tea Kettle. 583. 
Townley, A. C, 6S4. 
Portrait, 685. 

Prophet of panacea (cartoon), 687. 
Closed (Pittsburgh steel district), 58. 
Delta. Utah, 315. 
Town purchasing itself, 466. 
Unwalled, 075. 
Training School for Community Work- 
ers, 129. 
Trask, O. C, 606. 
Travelers' Aid Society, 779. 
Truxtou, Va., 651. 
Factory for the tuberculous, 230. 
Framingliam report. 327. 
Tag* of the Assn., SOS. 
See also Natl. Tuberc. Assn. 
Turkey, 523. 
Turks. 730. 

Tuskegee Negro conf., 506. 
Tweed, Boss, 138. 
Twelve-hour day, 421, 440. 
Typhus in Poland, 731. 



English youth, 449. 

President's Conf. report on, 832. 
Unemployment insurance, 42, 572. 
Unionism. British, 748. 
Unions, company, 334. 
United Hospitals' Fund, 320. 
United Mine Workers, 23. 

Action on important questions, 25. 

At Columous, Jan. 5-7, 447. 
United Neighborhood Houses of New 
York, 22, 384, 744. 

United States, troubles (Jewish car- 
toon), 601. 
U. S. Employment Service, decline, 484. 
U. S. Grain Corporation, 730. 
U. S. Public Health Assn., 707. 
U. S. School Garden Army, 811. 
U. S. Steel Corporation, 53, 65, 228. 

Statement of E. T. Devine, 750. 

Wage increase, 614. 

Emotional, 236. 

European source of America's, 224. 

Neighborhood workers' symposium, 

Psychological aspects, 665. 

Roots, 670. 

Social. 305, 324. 
Unscrambling (packers). 304. 
Uplifter and political machine, 362. 
Urban League. See Natl. Urban League. 
Utah town, 315. 

Yaile, Gertrude. 324. 

Valentine for The Survey, 623. 

Values, transvaluing, 479. 

Van Kleeck, Mary, 104, 260. 

Objections and technique in industry, 
Vanderlip, F. A., 260. 

Means of communication in indust. 
relations, 278. 
Vanderveer, G. F., 734. 
Veblen, Thorstein, 260. 

What is likely to happen? 272. 
Venezuela, aliens, 3S0. 
Vermont, 464. 

Children of the night (Pilson), 456. 

Christmas cheer, 259. 

Clearing the streets (Hughan), 735. 

Enemy, the (E. S.). 395. 

Flag of man, the (Henderson), 421. 

If a thorn wounds me, 189. 

October (Nearing), 390. 

On Alexander Wilson (Holdcn), 162. 
Vestibule schools, 700. 
Victoria, B. C, sign, 018. 
Vie k la Champagne, 643. 

Art publishing enterprise, 799. 

Distress and starvation (with car- 
toon), 761. 
Vierzy, 145, 506. 
Vigilance, 550. 

Reconstruction, France, 643. 

Social councils, 652. 
Virginia, road camps. 318. 
Vocational education in prisons. J99. 
Vocational guidance, community pro- 
gram, 745. 


Wage-earners, influenza, 496. 

Charity and. 801. 

Cost of living and, 614. 

Eliminate the system, 208. 

Government and. 613. 

Hotels and restaurants, District of 
Columbia, 748. 

President's Conf. report on, 829. 

Trisou guards, 20. 

U. S. Steel Corporation, 614. 

Women and, 416, 481. 
Wald. Lillian D. 

Influenza, 579. 

Resolution on federal employes, 42. 
Walker, Roberts. Mexico (letter), 243. 
Wallis, W. D.. 375. 
Walston, Sir Charles, quoted, 192. 
Wappingers Falls, 615. 
War, the. 

After-effects, 669. 

American casualties, statistics and 
diagram, 617. 

Children and, 79. 
War Camp Community Service and ju- 
venile delinquency, 765. 
War Chest, Minneapolis, 583. 
War Risk Insurance, new law. 759. 
Warbasse, J. P.. 623. 
Ward, H. F., 480. 

Rousing interest in health, 742. 

State conference, 658. 
Washington, D. C, government clerks, 

Wassung, Charlotte, 809. 
"Weekless week," 729. 

Welch, W. H. William Osier, 389. 
Welfare workers in England, 748. 
West Virginia, 618. 
Westchester county, N. Y., 140. 
Westchester county penitentiary, 619. 
Weyl, W. E., obituary, 161. 
Wheat, soft, 730. 
Wheatland riot, 440. 
Wheeler, C. G. Nurses and the Social 

Unit (letter), 440. 
White, A. T., 482. 
White, W. F., 260, 261. 

A Constitutional amendment (in- 
dustry), 276. 
White, W. C. Child welfare methods 

and the foreign born, 365. 
White, W. L. Arkansas race conflict, 

Whitehouse, J. H., quoted, 193. 
Whitnev, C. A. Freedom for reformers 

(letter), 440. 
Wichita jail condemnation, 106. 
Widows, Buford, 391. 
Wilcox, Ansley, 260. 
Fairness in labor troubles, 278. 
Promise of industl. conference, 426. 
Wild oats, 447. 
Wildern, H. S., 001. 
Wiles, E, P., 402. 
Willcox, Mrs. E. B. Valentine for 

The Survey, 623. 
Williams, F. B., 465. 
Williams, F. C, 772. 
Williams, S. J. Natl. Safety Council, 

Williams, Whiting, 738. 
Wilmington, Del., housing experience 

(with map), 763. 
Wilson, Alexander, 390. 
Obituary, 161. 
Verses on his death, 162. 
Wilson, Havelock, 11. 
Wilson, John M., 734. 
Wilson, Lucius, 316. 
Wilson, L. P., 588. 
Wilson. W. B., 570. 
Opinion on Communist party (docu- 
ment), 500. 
Wilson, Woodrow, 179. 
Deposit accounts, 397. 
Evolution, 469. 

General strike in retrospect, 5. 
Ruthenlans, 650. 
Wirt, W. A., 281. 
Wisconsin, education for ex-soldiers, 

Wise, L. W. Mothers in name, 779. 
"Wishing squad" (sculpture), 329. 
Woll. Matthew, 222, 242. 
Woman's crusade, 302. 
New York program and Speaker 

Sweet, 453. 
Resolution on women's work intro- 
duced by Ida M. Tarbell at the 
President's Indust. Conf., 45. 
Wage minimum, 48. 
Wages and, 416. 
What (hey want, 637. 
Women in industry, 828. 
Women physicians. See Internat'l. 

Conf. of Women Physicians. 
Women's Internatl. League for Peace 

and Freedom. 387. 
Women's Feaee Party, 387. 
Wood, A. E., 374. 

Trouble cases in Detroit, 585. 
Woods, R. A. 
Japan, the better part in, 733. 
Mrs. Woods and. 373. 
Wooster, L. E., 441. 
Working Women. See International 

Congress, etc. 
Wright, H. C, 634. 

Yemeniti girl, 175. 
Young, keeping, 618. 
Y. M. C. A. 

Expansion of work. 221. 

Philadelphia forum under fire. 774. 

Review of work in Europe and Near 
East. 519. 
Y. W. C. A. 

Prague, 311. 

Review of work in Europe and NeaT 
East, 519. 

Zionist Med. Unit, 175. 
Zionists in France, 635. 


October 4, 1 9 l 9 
Price 25 Cents 

number for October 

The Parliament of L 

By Arthur Gleason 

Winnipeg and Seattle 

By Edward T. Devine 

At the Gates of Bagdad 

By L eland Rex Robinson 

Published weekly by 


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10 cents a copy; Si a year; foreign post- 
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Copyright, 191$, by Survey Associates, Inc. 

Entered as second-class matter March 
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Winnipeg and Seattle 

The Two General Strikes in Retrospect 
By Edward T. Devine 



"^HE six-day general strike in Seattle in February 
and the six weeks' general strike in Winnipeg in 
May and June exhibit what is for America a new 
degree, if not a new kind, of social unrest. In 
Seattle, on demand of the metal workers, thirty-five thousand 
shipyard workers who were already on a basis of collective 
bargaining and closed shop being on strike for higher pay, an 
additional twentv-five thousand workers in other industries 
laid down their tools in sympathy, sacrificing a week's income 
and risking the entire loss of their jobs. In Winnipeg, like- 
wise on the initiative of the Metal Trades Council, thirty- 
five thousand workers were voluntarily idle and without wages 
for six weeks. In this instance a controversy was in progress 
in the building trades as well as in the metal trades before the 
general sympathetic strike began. 

Objectives of the ordinary kind — hours, wages, and in Win- 
nipeg the principle of collective bargaining — were involved ; 
but in both cities ominous forebodings of an irrepressible con- 
flict, instinctive response to rallying class cries, and a searching 
of hearts as to what loyalty, patriotism and civic obligations 
imply, were always visibly in the background and eventually 
in the foreground. In both cases, within the ranks of labor, 
orthodox craft unionism had to contend with the One Big 
Union idea in spite of the fact .that both of the general strikes 
were called, under ordinary constitutional procedure, by the 
existing craft unions, with the sanction of the local Central 
Labor Council affiliated with the American Federation of 
Labor. In each case the strike failed to gain its announced 
objectives; in each case the "citizens" who fought the strike 
on the ground that it was an attempt at revolution and not 
an ordinary struggle for economic advantage are emphatic in 
their claim of ? decisive victory of Law and Order ; in each 
case labor, surprised at its strength, its discipline and its 
moderation, seems reasonably content with its " defeat." In 
both cases the labor leaders, conservative and radical, vigor- 
ously deny that the strike was in any sense an attempt at revo- 
lution. In both cases the more radicaLleadersare undoubtedly, 
like other Socialists, striving for the ultimate overthrow of the 
existing political and industrial system. The distinction is im- 
portant, because if the strike was an actual attempt to over- 
throw the existing government and to set up another in its 

place then its leaders are guilty of " seditious conspiracy " and 
other related crimes and misdemeanors. Several of these 
leaders in Winnipeg are in fact now awaiting trial on such 
charges — including aldermen, editors and two former Metho- 
dist ministers, along with business agents of unions and 
returned soldiers. Recalling that the Methodist church of 
Canada in its last general conference had declared for a radical 
reconstruction of society and the substitution of the cooperative 
system for the competitive system, I was particularly interested 
to inquire about these one-time Methodist preachers. I was 
surprised to find that one of them, J. S. Woodsworth, resigned 
a year ago from the ministry and that the other, W. Ivens, 
who was still in jail when I saw him, had been deprived of 
his standing as a minister on the technical ground that he had 
refused to take an appointment. There had been, I under- 
stand, no formal church trial, and it is certainly nothing un- 
usual in Methodism for ministers to be relieved from regular 
appointment for a year while engaged in special duties. But 
editing a labor paper while a general strike is in progress is not 
the kind of service for which the church has had occasion to 
grant this privilege. It is interesting that the Rev. Dr. A. E. 
Smith, to whom as president of the Manitoba Methodist Con- 
ference the Rev. J. S. Woodsworth sent his letter of resigna- 
tion a year ago, has himself recently resigned for reasons not 
dissimilar to those which actuated Mr. Woodsworth. 

This Rev. A. E. Smith, ex-president of the Manitoba 
Methodist Conference, does not mince words in defending the 
strikers. Speaking to an out-door congregation of 8,000 in 
Victoria Park under the auspices of the Labor Church on Sun- 
day, June 14, Dr. Smith declared that the sympathetic strike 
" is just as religious a movement as a church revival. It is 
just as ethical as the fight in Flanders. Those who oppose this 
strike do so because they are individualists; the workers sup- 
port it because they put the interests of others ahead of their 
own interests. The individualist has no program, hence he 
attacks the man or the body that tries to work out a program." 

Not all of the Methodist ministers, however, who sympa- 
thize with labor, even in its more radical policies, have left the 
church. One of them, Rev. Dr. S. G. Bland, is pastor of the 
Broadway Tabernacle in Toronto. After the strike was over 
and Ivens was in jail, Dr. Bland came to preach, on Sunday, 

The Survey, October 4, 1919, Volume 43, No. 1. 112 East 19 Street, New York city 



August 17, at an indoor mass meeting of the Labor Church 
at which some, four thousand- were present. He spoke with 
regret of the absence of Mr.Tvens; was sorry that he could 
no longer call him " the reverend," but saitf'that he was cer- 
tainly " in the apostolie succession/' Of the twelve apostles 
there was only one as far z§ he knew who was not put in jail, 
and that was Judas. 

Rocking the Boat 

While refraining from comment on the reasons for the 
arrest of the strikers or the charges against them, Dr. Bland 
vigorously denounced the refusal of bail 1 and also the amend- 
ment of the immigration act with^unseemly haste as a means 
of making easier the deportatien of v strike leaders. This he 
described as a nefarious and un-British, piece of legislation. 
This act was passed through both houses of the Canadian 
parliament and received the royal assent inside of the space of 
one hour. "Was it," the preacher demanded, "an act to 
deal with profiteering? Oh no. Was it an act to, prevent food 
barons from hoarding food in cold storage warehouses ? Oh 
no. Was it an'act^to reform the Senate ? Oh, no. Such acts 
as these do not run upon' such well greased ways. It is an 
act by which the government can seize a man, not for any- 
thing he has done, but simply because he is thought undesirable. 
The government is accuser and judge and there is no appeal 
except to the government. Yet a man is accused of nothing 
except of being undesirable. He cannot defend himself because 
he does not know his supposed offense. . . . It is not only 
an un-British act. It is an anti-British act. It puts residents 
in Canada born in the British isles on the same level as aliens 
no matter how long they have been in the country or how they 
have served In times of difficulty it is said that nobody should 
ro_ck the boat. The refusal of bail to the strike leaders and the 
Immigraton act are a most dangerous rocking of the boat." 

These quotations from two well-known ministers of the 
church of which two former ministers are among the accused 
are cited not as representative of the opinions of Methodists or 
other church members or ministers as a whole but only as in- 
dicative of the existence of a certain" public opinion which does 
nbt find expression in the pronouncements of the, Citizens' Com- 
mittee to which reference will be made later. The Methodist 
church, like other Protestant churches a^ld' like the Catho"rics\. 
would defend collective bargaining and the living wage, but 
would probably not defend the eer eral sympathetic strike, 
especially when its scope extends to policemen, firemen, letter- 
carriers and scavengers Apparent! y^rhase. who take seriously 
the declaration of the Methodist General Conference for " a 
radical reconstruction of society on the cooperative principle 
and are ready to put such a platfoBn/in'td practice are expected 
to discriminate or they must be .prepared- for a stoning. 
Modern martyrdom may still take Yne~ old form of imprison- 
ment, especially if the champ or.ship of labor happens to be 
complicated with an avers:on to violence, whether in the form 
of war or of riot. 

Both Seattle and Winnipeg had had previous, recent experi- 
ence with acute disputes of the more usual kind ; and in Win- 
nipeg, where such serious corisecrr??rices hang 'upon the issue, 
*he fact that the same industries had seen serious economic 
conflicts within a year is cited as presumptive evidence that the 
present strike was not an attempt at political revolution but 
simply another and a rrore determined effort to secure the 

'On September 20, after twenty-six. Cays in jail, the eight leaders 
were released on bail in the amount o£. S*X)00 each and two sureties of 
•$2,0C0 eaci:. The decision of ihe court-,rfi?ad by Chief Justice Mathers, 
btatcd that it b:id not been proved thot the accused would not appear 
to stand trial and that "the ceurt would not be justified in refusing 
br.i! on the sole gro,und that public safety might be endangered by per- 
mitting the accused to be at large " 

right of collective bargaining for thfemejal trades as a. whole.. 
In both cases, after overwhelming vefce^iv&isor of the strike 
by the unions, and affirmative action by, the Central Labor 
Council, the management of the strike passed into the hands of 
a large General Strike Committee representing the local 
unions and the Central Labor Council, with a smaller com- 
mittee exercising some executive powers. In both cases busi- 
ness men, through existing commercial organizations or other- 
wise, took strong grounds against the strikers, not on the merits 
of the economic conflict but on the ground that the general 
strike is in effect a challenge to the government and a revolu- 
tionary act. In both cases the municipal authorities, after 
some wobbling, followed the lead of business — Seattle's 
doughty mayor, in spite of the newspaper fiction, playing a 
no. more glorious part than the mayor of Winnipeg. In both 
cases the community was remarkably free from disorder and 
lawlessness by strikers and their sympathizers. In Seattle, the 
labor people justified their boast: "Sixty thousand men out 
and not even a fist-fight." Major-General Morrison, in 
charge of the troops from Camp Lewis, is reported to have told 
the strikers' committee which called upon him that in forty 
years of military experience he had not seen so quiet and 
orderly a city. Robert Bridges,;. president of the port of 
Seattle, is quoted as having written to the Central Labo. 
Council that " it was the members of organized labor who kept 
order during the strike. To them and to no one else belongs 
the credit." In Winnipeg the early weeks of the strike were 
similarly free from disorder. Later two riots occurred — one 
after the regular police force, whose sympathies were entirely 
with the strike, were dismissed and replaced by special police- 
men; and the other, more serious, after the strike leaders had 
been arrested in : a spectacular way, taken from their beds at 
night to a penitentiary and confined without privilege of bail. 
On the day of this second" riot, arrangements had been made 
for a " silent parade" by .returned soldiers and their wives. 
Proclamations had been issued forbidding parades and warn- 
ing had been given that if the parade were attempted without 
permission force would be used to prevent it. The returned 
soldiers seem to have been in doubt at the last moment whether. 
to parade or not and it is said that no procession was formed. 
Crowds lined the streets, however, and after the reading of the 
riot act, the mounted police rode down the street accompanied 
by a certain number of the special police. Wheeling at a 
central point r the police, who had been using their long clubs 
freely and had received some missiles, began firing ball 
cartridges into the crowd and immediately the militia who 
were waiting in automsbiles rushed to the scene. On this 
" blo64y Saturday," one person was killed%nd perhaps a hun- 
dred injured. About one hundred persons were arrested for 
rioting or on similar charges. 

Temper of Strikers and of "Citizens" 
Whether the military deliberately invited a show of strength 
on this occasion may be open to question but that elaborate 
preparatiorisskad been made by the enlistment and drilling of 
a special military force, the assembling of the Royal Northwest 
Mounted Police, the mustering in of an adequate special con- 
stabulary and otherwise, is clear; and there seems to be little 
doubt that the " intolerable situation " caused by the shutting- 
down of industries, the closing of restaurants and bakeries, 
the lack of transport and of water except onlthe first floors, the 
absence of newspapers, the non-delivery of the mails, had long 
since exasperated law-abiding citizens -to the point at which 
overt lawlessness on the part of v'thfe- strikers had become a 
necessity. Even now if is easy to^sefr that- the strikers were 
probably in fact better humored than the "citizens." Of. 


Winnipeg as of Seattle the words of a public official of the 
latter city who was mixing much with both sides have some 
truth ; " It is only necessary to mix among the business men 
of this city and then among the strikers, and hear their re- 
marks, or even watch their faces, and find out which ones 
have murder in their hearts." Of course this may only be 
an illustration of the general truth that highwaymen are apt 
to be in better humor than their victims but that is begging 
the original question at issue. The strikers maintain that they 
were the original victims. Two weeks after the strike, a 
prominent business man in Seattle is said to have remarked to 
friends: " If that strike had lasted a few days longer, there 
v/ould have been some people hanged." 

In Winnipeg it did last a few days — more than sixty — 
longer ; and two months after the end of the strike, although 
no one had been hanged, six men were in jail and five awaiting 
deportation. I talked with the men in jail and at length with 
one of those whose liberty is in jeopardy although while await- 
ing trial he is - at large on bail. I talked also with some who 
had been most active in putting down the strike and who were 
most emphatic in their assertion that they had been dealing 
with incipient revolution; I am under great obligation to 
both for the frankness-' with which thej made known their 
views ?nd the readinesS'iwith which they suppled Information, 
both documentary arid verbal.- lam most anxious to show my 
appreciation of their courtesy 'and to do injustce' to neither. 
I found, of course, sane and reasonable men on both side* — 
notwithstanding the warning of a clergyman in the capital ;oi 
a neighboring .province, that Winnipeg was the last place in the 
world to- gefi unbiased information because of the bitterrfess 
remaining' &i- both, ranks — but I cannot refrain from voicing -the 
impression,, for 'Whatever- it rrtay be. worth, that the labor 
leaders both in Seattle and in Winnipeg appeared to me to be 
quite as. public-spirited, as law-abiding, as considerate of the 
rights of others, as good-tempered and as well-informed on 
the fundamentals of good citizenship as their opponents. Al- 
though the issue of industrial as against craft unions was acute 
among them, even that- did not wholly destroy their sense of 
proportion ajid-bumoE. From rival offices, at the time- of my ; 
visit to Winnipeg, rival publications were issued, but friendly 
cooperation was nevertheless going on regarding the release of 
prisoners still held without bail, and other matters. 

Canadian .and American Contrasts 

Numerous as are the pointy of resemblance between the two 
general strikes there are certain sharp contrasts. For one thing 
the one was in the United States and the other in Canada, 
and American justice and injustice are not quite the same as 
Canadian or British justice and injustice. It is doubtful 
whether the American Immigration act could have been 
amended within forty minutes to enable the authorities to deal 
with " undesirable " aliens, even under such peculiar circum- 
stances as those which prevailed at Ottawa when this tour de 
force occurred. It is doubtful whether in the United States 
bail would have been refused to persons charged with of- 
fenses which could be punished with only two years' imprison- 
ment. On the other hand it is hard to conceive any American 
city as large as Winnipeg showing as much toleration of what 
its " citizens " believed to be incipient revolution. It is diffi- 
cult — even after the Boston strike — to imagine policemen, 
firemen, garbage collectors, and letter earners joining in a con- 
spiracy to paralyze the economic life of the community. Per- 
haps we shall become accustomed to such sights, but as. yet 
it is easier to visualize them somewhere else — say in Canada — 
than in the United States 

The military situation, in the next place, was quite dfferenc 
in the two cities. Not far from Seattle in February there were 
large bodies of soldiers in service under the command of 
trained and experienced officers. In Winnipeg there were no 
such resources. Perhaps two hundred returned soldiers were 
hi barracks awaiting discharge and a score of mounted police. 
The city police force of some two hundred had voted in favor' 
of the general strike, and were officially represented on the 
strike, committee. That was all. Evidently a cautious and, 
deliberate policy was indicated for Winnipeg, assuming that 
there was any occasion for soldiers; and evidently in Seattle, 
the contrary plan of a sudden and over-whelming display of 
military force was practicable. In fact, in both cities the 
strikers organized for peace and order. They realized 'that 
they had everything to lose and nothing to gain by street riot 
ing. In Winnipeg through the regular police force, and in 
Seattle through the organization of Labor's War Veterans — a 
group of some three hundred union men who had seen service 
in the army or navy — the strike leaders used their influence to 
preserve order. The War Veterans were offered police 
authority but the suggestion was refused. Their leader, who 
is described as an old and tried and rather conservative mem- 
ber ofi<tt > gariize.d. labor, said to the mayor: "We think it 
will reassure the public to know that we have no gmis. We. 
know that we can keep order in our own rank; without tk'i 
use of force. If there is any shooting done, it will not be 
by us." 

The Position of Labor 

In the third place, labor was better organized and in a 
stronger strategic position at the beginning of the strike in 
Seattle than in Winnipeg. The Metal Trades had their own 
council in both cities but in Winnipeg this council had not 
secured recognition from the iron masters. The majority of 
the metal workers, organized in some nineteen craft unions,, 
were employed in the 1 railway shops. The officers of the Metal 
Trades Council' Were railway men. The chief controversy was 
not with' the railways but with three foundries: the Vulcan 
Iron Works, the Manitoba Bridge and Iron Works, and the 
Dominion Bridge Company. The officials of these corpora- 
tions, while ready to make contracts with their own employes 
through their unions or otherwise, were uncompromisingly 
opposed to making joint agreements through the Metal Trades 
Council. r They thus accepted collective bargaining as they in- 
t&rpref.e/d'it, but refused it as the workers interpreted it. Their 
position was that to pay the wages and meet the conditions 
demanded by the Metal Trades Council as a whole was im- 
possible; that the railways might have means of recouping 
themselves which were not open to private corporations com- 
pelled to meet American and British competition. In the 
building trades the employers admitted the justice of the de- 
mands of the strikers but pleaded that they could not meet 
them and still obtain funds from bankers for building 

Thus the strikers in Winnipeg had two appealing issues: 
(1) a living wage and (2) the right to organize for collective 
bargaining. These they frequently reiterated as the vital 
issues. In black letters in their official organ they constantly 
insisted on these two issues as the only issues at stake. Equally 
emphatic, was their declaration that they did not want revolu- 
tion, dictatorship or disorder. The inherent reasonableness and 
justice, of these two demands no doubt account for the general, 
response to the sympathetic strike and its duration. 

A fourth unique feature of the struggle in Winnipeg is th?.? 



in the end it became in some measure a protest against Ameri- 
can domination of the Canadian labor movement. Patriotic 
citizens who had been fighting the strike would of course 
ridicule any pretensions of the One Big Union advocates to 
national sentiment. Yet the radical labor leaders of western 
Canada are showing signs of restlessness in the so-called inter- 
national unions and an inclination to turn to some new form 
of organization which is likely to be Canadian or perhaps even 
West-Canadian. There are forces pushing strongly toward 
industrial unionism in western Canada, as in the Puget Sound 
country on the American side of the line. These forces are not 
wholly revolutionary, although the I. W. W. now has its 
Canadian counterpart in the O. B. U. The editor and pro- 
prietor of a conservative Canadian newspaper, who was 
against the strikers, discussed with an entirely open mind the 
general question of industrial agairfst craft unionism, saying 
that he considered it quite probable that very soon he would 
have to make one contract with the various unions in his estab- 
lishment instead of several. If the American Federation of 
Labor and the international unions oppose this whole tendency 
and stand stubbornly for rigid craft unionism, there will cer- 
tainly be accession to the ranks of the opposition either, within 
the federation or in new outside bodies. It is easy, once this 
movement is started, to raise the patriotic issue, and to ask 
what advantage there is to Canadian workers in sending annual 
dues across the line when there is no support or only half- 
hearted support from Washington for the Canadian unions in 
their struggle for collective bargaining and a living wage. In 
the past the weaker labor movement in Canada has- felt the 
need of support which is assured by affiliation with the inter- 
national unions. The question is raised, mainly it is true by 
Tadicals who resent the conservative restraint of the inter- 
nationals, as to whether this period of tutelage does not ap- 
proach an end. Perhaps it is raised insincerely ; but it is easier 
to charge insincerity than to prove it. 

The Citizens' Committee 

Perhaps the most interesting feature of the general strike in 
Winnipeg is the part taken by the Citizens' Committee of 
One Thousand. This committee has issued a forty-page 
pamphlet recounting its activities and analyzing its organiza- 
tion. No names appear, either of members or of officers. Dur- 
ing the strike it published a daily bulletin, matching the daily 
edition — under different names and with different editors — of 
the Western Labor News, the organ of the strike committee. 
The Labor Church with its nine branches and a thousand 
members was offset by the ready access of the Citizens' Com- 
mittee to the regular churches. The striking firemen were 
immediately replaced by volunteer firemen accepted and 
authorized by the regular municipal authorities but enlisted 
and directed by the Citizens' Committee. The committee in 
•ts own account of its work emphasizes the fact that " in no 
case did it supersede or override the nominal authority of any 
public department or private corporation. The volunteers it 
supplied did not take over and administer, but in every case 
went in and assisted, under the orders of the loyal heads of 
civic or governmental departments, or the ordinary manage- 
ment of any utility." 

The committee did not regard itself as against the strikers. 
" It stood at no time in the way of any legitimate effort to 
reconcile any industrial dispute or phase of industrial welfare 
which became an issue in the strike." It took a stand however 
" against the principle and theory of a sympathetic strik" ex- 
tending to public utilities and vital service. It stands for Law 
and Order, and firmly against bargain or compromise of eny 
kind with treason.'' 

Labor naturally took a different view of the Committee of 
One Thousand and its activities. To the strikers and their 
sympathizers, employers refusing collective bargaining, the Cit- 
izens' committee furnishing " scab " labor to replace strikers, 
the municipality offering to policemen, firemen and sanitary 
officers the choice between dismissal and acceptance of the 
" slave-pact," and the government's arresting and prosecuting 
their leaders and amending the immigration law, all looked like 
so many different aspects of one hostile power. This is of 
course a one-sided and distorted view. Government, whether 
in city, province, dominion or in the new League of Nations, 
is not naturally hostile to labor and is not an instrument of 
exploitation except when it falls into the hands of exploiters. 
It is normally an instrument of protection and of mutual eco- 
nomic advantage. The Citizens' Committee seems to have 
made an honest attempt to maintain legitimate authority and 
to prevent a disaster from which all would suffer. Its officers 
and members seem to have been actuated by the highest mo- 
tives and to have worked heroically for what they believed to 
be the general welfare. Their glaring mistake is as obvious to 
any open-minded observer as is the injustice of the more ex- 
treme labor men in characterizing the Citizens' Committee. 
In their zeal for Law and Order they have egregiously mis- 
judged the general strike and its leaders. To the present ob- 
server these men do not appear to be conspirators or Bolshe- 
vists. They do not seem to be engaged in sedition. They do 
not in the least resemble law breakers or revolutionists. These 
conclusions, put. forward with all diffidence, are yet held with 
the utmost confidence. I predict that no fair and open-minded 
juries will ever convict them of the charges which have been 
brought against them, just as no fairminded citizens of Winni- 
peg in years to come will think that the Committee of One 
Thousand was made up of self-conscious hypocrites and took 
pleasure in snatching innocent men from their families in the 
dead of night with no motive except that of petty revenge. 

Not what the labor men in jail or at the Labor Temple 
told me and not what I have read in their bulletins convince 
me that the Citizens' Committee has been unjust to these lead- 
ers: but rather what the citizens themselves have told me and 
the tens of thousands of words that I have read at their request. 
I have read, for example, the full stenographic report of the 
labor conference held in Calgary in March of this year, as 
published in the Winnipeg Tribune of April 5 — some sixty 
columns of fine newspaper print. I have looked through the 
newspaper reports of the preliminary hearing of the men 
charged with sedition. I have read the daily issues of the Win- 
nipeg Citizen and much besides. I find in what the Citizens' 
Committee itself calls the " whole miserable business " a vast 
amount of evidence of- the capacity of men of English speech 
to misunderstand and misjudge one another, but I find no evi- 
dences of seditious conspiracy, of treason, of Bolshevism, of rev- 
olution. I find ample evidence of discontent with existing con- 
ditions and a determination to change them. I find differences 
of opinion as to policies and methods, and I find evidences of a 
sense of increasing social solidarity, of the necessity for political 
as well as economic action by labor, both to protect its own in- 
terest and as a means of advancing the general interest which 
labor, like other economic groups, is apt to identify with its 
own interest. Believing in freedom of discussion and in free- 
dom of the press, I find no trace of danger in the Calgary Labor 
Conference or in the strikers' Bulletins or in the Labor 
Church; but I find some danger of Bolshevism as a result of 
the repression of speech, the deportation of aliens without pub- 
lic nearing on specific charges, the imprisonment of labor 
leaders without bail, and the arrest of men like Woodsworth 
and Dixon on such flimsy evidence as has been made public. 

The Parliament of Labor 

By Arthur Gleason 

THE British Trades Union Congress at Glasgow 
in September reaffirmed the stand taken by the 
Labor Party at Southport in June. It declared 
overwhelmingly for nationalization of the mines and 
for compelling the government to enact the Sankey report, 
which called for nationalization. The congress refused to vote 
against direct action and voted itself ready to call a special 
congress if the government refuses to nationalize mines, to 
abolish conscription and to withdraw the troops from Russia — 
to call it for the purpose of deciding what action should be 
taken to enforce its will upon the government. 

The men who forged and welded conference opinion on 
these lines of nationalization, direct action, Russia and con- 
scription were Smillie, Hodges and Clynes, along with Hen- 
derson as fraternal delegate from the Labor Party. Clynes is 
the consummate voice of the elder labor statesmen ; Hodges is 
the one young man of British labor, expressing the aspiration 
of workers' control. Smillie is a rugged personality of the 
order of Lincoln, who by moral authority and human sympathy- 
is the greatest figure in labor of this generation. Hender- 
son is the adept honest politician who thunders common sense. 
He is less gifted than Clynes, but he has a policy. He is a bat- 
tering ram of the center, where Clynes is a brake. 

The decision of the congress are the result of the Smillie- 
Hodges' policy (as definite as the Henderson policy). They 
are new for the industrial arm of the British labor movement. 
A struggle is near between labor and the government. As I 
brought out in my interpretation of Southport, direct action 
does not mean a general strike. It means the threat of indus- 
trial pressure in order to achieve aims (nationalization, Rus- 
sia, conscription) through the constitutional means of govern- 
ment and parliament, forcing, if necessary, a general election. 
Thus history is in the making at this moment in England, 
history as significant as the Russian revolution. Labor is at- 
tacking the basis of the old British order. That is an im- 
portant fact. The convention was the little funnel through 
which slowly gathered forces of the past flowed through into 
the future. The labor movement has no more unified pro- 
gram or central government than the Allies in 1914, but it 
forms a line-up, and the events of the next five years are al- 
ready determined and made inevitable by the Coal Commis- 
sion, Southport and Glasgow, by the Triple Alliance and by 
Smillie. For, the policies adopted by the Glasgow Congress 
mean that the industrial union of miners is the strongest single 
element in Britain and that it has a masterful technique. But 
there follows a typical British touch. Lest anyone should 
grow unduly excited, the congress in one of its last acts drove 
the miners off the Parliamentary Committee, and made of 
this committee for the coming year as safe and respectable a 
body as in its days of stodginess. 

An advanced policy and a slow-stepping executive ! The 
British worker still reserves his right of dissent and protest. 
He wishes his revolution to come as organic change, gradually, 
with footnotes and reservations. As yet he has no intention 
of going out on general strike for a political end. He wishes 
to use the threat of his industrial power as the method of 
forcing government to go to the country. No- large body of 
British labor as yet considers striking on a political issue with- 
out first testing public opinion by a constitutional election. It 

is perplexing to an outsider bur traditional and logical to the 
British. Force the pace but don't run off the highway. The 
motivation is the desire for unity. Labor does not mean to 
split to either the left or the right, but to move only so fast 
as will hold in unity over five million workers. 

Eight hundred and forty-eight delegates were in attendance 
in St. Andrews Hall on September 8, and to the best of their 
ability they represented 5,265,426 working men and women. 
In general it has been true that there is nothing slower, surer 
and drearier than a trades' union congress. It has always 
moved like a tortoise — but it scrapes along in its hard-shell 
way to the goal. 

Old Heads and New Blood 

It would be futile to run down the list of pious, unanimous 
resolutions presented in the agenda, resolutions on pensions 
for mothers, old-age pensions, free trade, control of industry, 
parliamentary procedure, care of the blind, amalgamation. 
For a generation some of them have been duly moved and 
duly seconded. It is a demonstration of the soundness, T:ht 
sanity of British labor. The government can be handed over 
to them tomorrow, tonight. No seismic tremor will follow 
their advent. They will inherit the power with all the 
sobriety of the elder tory rulers. They partake a little of the 
nature of peasant proprietors. They do not wish to spill the 
beans. Nothing rash, they seem to say; we have a living 
wage; hours are no longer killing — let us build our taber- 
nacle in this place. 

In truth the young men are not here. The next generation 
is ten years away, but the returned soldiers remain to be heard 

Poverty and unemployment and cold will begin to strike 
in with the winter months. Events may disarrange even a 
level-headed program. Moreover, British labor has no cen- 
tral government. The congress has no direct executive power. 
Its Parliamentary Committee of sixteen members, chosen from 
as many trades, is not a central executive. Originally it was 
chosen to serve very much as later the Labor Party functioned. 
Congress is a statement of the mass opinion of powerful, 
elderly delegates, and its Parliamentary Committee is the 
resultant of the ambitions of many separate trades. 

The new Statesman on August 30 said : 

The total trade union membership in the United Kingdom now 
reaches probably 11 or 12 per cent of the census population and, 
taking males only, well over 50 per cent of the whole of the adult 
male, manual-working wage-earners of the nation. The accumulated 
funds of the British trade unions cannot nowadays fall far short of 
ten millions sterling. Until the Trades Union Congress takes its 
executive duties a little more seriously and provides, as its steadily 
growing funds easily enable it to do, for a much stronger secretariat, 
the trade union movement and every separate union will continue to 
suffer the consequences of the disorganization to which they are 
subject. Trade unionism in this country as an industrial force is 
suffering seriously from lack of leadership. It is the Parliamentary 
Committee of the Trades Union Congress that so far as industrial 
policy is concerned supply that leadership. 

Furthermore, while the labor group in parliament has been 
numerically stronger since the December elections than ever 
before, it has been lamentably weak in leadership, ideas and 
the fighting edge of opposition. (The British believe in the 
opposition as an essential element in government.) The ab- 
sence of four men in particular left labor in the House of 


Commons as a feeble voice. W. C. Anderson, that much- 
loved, sweet-tempered, fearless leader of the left, died. Philip 
Snowden and Ramsey MacDonald were defeated because of 
their orthodox Socialist stand on the issue of the war. 
Henderson was defeated in December in a constituency where 
he was not personally known, which he had little time to 
visit, and where accordingly misrepresentation could be used 
in a khaki election. But the mills ground fast for him, and 
the net result of the last nine months is that his position in 
Parliament, in political labor, and in trade unionism is 
stronger than at any previous moment in his life. He radiates 
power and victory. He is at the beginning of his larger career. 
Although on the fourth day the results of Widnes were not 
known, Henderson came before the congress as fraternal dele- 
gate in the unmistakeable mood of triumph. Of opposition 
there was none. He is at the center and heart of British 
labor, the very loud voice of their common sense. 

A Triumph for Henderson 

A LlTTLE-of the fervor of labor's welcome to him was due 
to the talk of the American delegate, J. J. Hynes, who pro- 
tested against the visit of British labor leaders to preach 
political labor and reiterated the opposition of American 
labor to political action. This fell strangely on British ears 
at a crisis when swift and large political expression is the 
only lightning rod that will save the constitutional structure 
from being scorched. The delegates heard him courteously 
but greeted Henderson with great enthusiasm. Henderson 
will not be unseated by the A. F. of L. On the fifth day, 
his victory at Widnes was announced to the clamant joy of 
the congress. Henderson won, first, on his war record, which 
converted a tory stronghold into a labor constituency. Since 
Widnes was established thirty years ago as a constituency, it 
has sent an unbroken representation of tory-conservative- 
uniomst representation. Henderson turned the large Decem- 
ber coalition majority into 3 labor majority of nearly one 
thousand. He won also because of his campaign on opposi- 
tion to the government, particularly on Russian policy. The 
day is over when lies about pro-Germanism are anything but 
boomerangs, and when a British army can be retained in 

As a fraternal delegate Henderson said: 

It is time we cease to think and talk in terms of propaganda, and 
begin to think and tajk in terms of constructive responsibility. There 
are three things I want to ask you to do. First, to make up the 
leeway between the trades represented at the congress and the num- 
bers represented in the Labor Party. If we can get the two and a half 
millions added to the three millions it would tell at the next general 
election. The next thing is greater cooperation between the Congress, 
through its Parliamentary Committee, and the Labor Party through 
its executive, so that we can go to Geneva next February and bring 
together the most powerful international that has ever been created. 
Representation of the producers through the Parliamentary Com- 
mittee, representation of the consumers through the Cooperative Inter- 
national, and representation of the citizens through the Labor Party 
— then we shall have a force standing for world peace such as we 
have never had before. 

Finally, I ask you to use all your influence, through both the indus- 
trial and political wings of the movement, to terminate the life of 
the present government as speedily as you possibly can. I make that 
demand because the government are doing things without the mandate 
of the people, particularly with regard to Ireland and Russia, We 
ought to terminate the government's existence and have an appeal 
!o the country on conditions much more normal than the deceptive 
conditions that prevailed last December. 

The first outstanding action of the conference was what 
amounted to a vote ef censure (carried by a majority of 
710,000) of the Parliamentary Committee for refusing to call 
a special congress to decide what action, if any, should be 
frfeen because of conscription, Russian intervention, the block- 

ade and conscientious objectors. In moving the reference back 
of the Parliamentary Committee's report Robert Smillie said: 

Personally I feel that the Parliamentary Committee does not have 
the confidence of the trade union movement. Take the question of 
our blockade. Under it hundreds of thousands of old men, women 
and children were being starved to death. Whoever were to blame 
for the terrible war, the young and the aged could not be blamed. 
These were done to death by our blockade. I always have it in my 
mind that the time would come again when we shall have to meet 
the fathers and brothers of those people in the international move- 
ment; and that if the voice of British labor was silent on the question, 
we could hardly raise our eyes and look into the faces of those men 
and shake them by the hand. 

The question of Russia was. surely of sufficient importance. It 
might be said that that was a political question with which trade 
unionists ought not to deal. There is no greater labor question in 
the world than intervention in Russia. If the capitalists and capitalist 
governments — our own amongst them — manage to crush out the 
Socialist movement in Russia led by Lenine — which God forbid — 
and begin to develop with cheap labor, as they intend to do, the 
enormous natural resources of Russia, they will be able to flood 
our markets with cheap commodities, without having regard to the 
suffering that might be caused here. 

Although it was passed with little discussion, one of the 
most important resolutions of the week was that of the Ware- 
house and General Workers' Union for the setting up of an 
industrial parliament of labor. The Parliamentary Commit' 
tee was instructed to prepare a scheme " whereby the trade 
union movement in the future will, on all questions of national 
and international importance, adopt a common policy and 
speak with a united voice." The grounds urged in support 
were the need for industrial adjustments on, a national basis; 
the coordination of labor claims made through existing indus- 
trial councils; the prevention of overlapping and undercutting 
of demands and " the desirability of reviewing the decisions of 
industrial councils, such as those that may aim at the ultimate 
establishment of compulsory arbitration and the riveting upon 
the nation of wide system of protective tariffs." 

The second victory for the miners came in the passage by 
an immense majority of a resolution reciting that the govern- 
ment had rejected the Sankey coal report and adopted in its 
place a " scheme of district trustification of the industry," and 
pledging the congress to " cooperate with the Miners' Federa- 
tion to the fullest extent with a view of compelling the gov- 
ernment to adopt the scheme of national ownership and com- 
mission " and, in the event of the government's refusal, to 
convene a " special congress for the purpose of deciding the 
form of action to be taken." 

The Plea of the Miners 

In urging the nationalization of the mines, and action by 
the congress to " compel " the government, Smillie said : 

It cannot be said that the trade union movement has acted rashly 
on this question. Since 1882 the congress has passed forty-two reso- 
lutions dealing with the general principle of nationalization — -some- 
times a general collfctivist resolution calling for nationalization, 
sometimes a land nationalization resolution, and occasionally a mines 
nationalization resolution. It is over twenty years since the congress 
affirmed the principle that the mineral lying under the surface of the 
soil, which was not created by man, ought to be the wealth of the 
state and not of individuals. 

I want our fellow-workers to believe that we are endeavoring to 
be straight and honest with them. We do. not desire the nationaliza- 
tion of the mining industry for ourselves alone. There is nothing 
of the syndicalist' idea in our claim at the present time. The time 
may come when the industries of the country, mining and other,, may 
advance a step farther than ws are asking at present. But it is not 
in our interest alone that we are asking for nationalization. 

The miners were entitled to expect that if the commission recom- 
mended nationalization the government would carry out its findings. 
The miners were twice dissuaded by Frank Hodges and myself from 
acting on their ballot vote and declaring a strike. They believed 
that the government would carry out what they thought was its 
pledge. The government and the press thought that when the prime 
minister made a statement the matter was ended. 



This question can only end with the nationalization of the mines. 
I have no desire to have a strike in any industry. I hoped that 
common sense would secure justice for them, but while I hold that 
view I also realize that a time might arrive when it would be 
criminal for a labor leader to advise anything else than a strike. I 
have advised strikes when men were being brutally treated by brutal 
employers. I would do the same again. The miners knew that a 
long stop of their industry would bring poverty and suffering to 
thousands of homes outside the mining industry. In view of that 
they felt it was their duty to carry with them, if they could, the 
whole trade union movement. If they have established the justice 
and the necessity for the nationalization of the mines, they ask trade 
unionists not to leave the fisjht for it on the shoulders of the miners 
r.I6ne. I have no doubt thn.t, if the miners were of the mind to do it, 
f'-ev could within a ir,cnth stop every mine in the country until the 
-Hn?s were nationalized. That would lead to the stoppage of the 
r-:!.- -vs and nil industries dependsnt on coal. They did not want 
thai:. They believe that the thing ought to be dene constitutionally, 
as it was called by the government. 

J. H. Thomas followed, and put his 450,000 railwaymen 

behind the miners: 

I recognize the importance of output and the seriousness of the 
situation, but the country is not going to get output, and has no right 
to ask for output, if there are people whose contribution to output 
is nil, and who receive the maximum benefit from the output of other 
people. I congratulate the miners on the great service they have 
rendered to the trade union movement by the conduct of ^their case 
before the commission. They have shown themselves statesmen in 
coming to the congress, because had they attempted to take action 
" o'n their own," I should have been thte first to condemn them. I 
believe that state ownership of mines is interwoven with the .pros- 
perity of the country, and because I believe that the country is greater 
than a section, greater than this movement, I second the resolution 

A Lost Leader 

The solitary delegate who opposed was Havelock Wilson, 
head of the Sailors and Firemen's Union of 65,000 members. 
He is pathetically ill with a trembling paralysis. After rising 
to speak he had to sit down, and from his chair he continued 
his minority talk with humor and lucid statement. He has 
an admirably clear and resonant voice, with perfect enuncia- 
tion, a rhythm of tone and language, and all done naturally 
and without apparent effort at oratory. But in reality he is 
an artist, a master of the spoken word. It was not from any 
lack of respect for his great gifts, his former record as a labor 
leader, his vigor, his courage, that the congress defeated him 
in his candidacy for the new Parliamentary Committee and ' 
cheered loudly when his downfall was announced. The de- 
feat and the demonstration were - administered because his 
opinions are hostile to the views of 90 per cent of the workers, 
because of his attempts to split labor, because of his associa- 
tion with wealthy men, because of his use of the anti-labor 
press (such as the Morning Post), because of his employment 
of direct action against the workers in refusing to carry labor 
delegates to international gatherings. The enemies of British 
labor have found in Wikson one of their staurtchest, boldest 
champions. To labor he seems a lost leader, with something 
of the pathos and shame of Noah. I found myself saddened 
in this passing of the stricken, gallant, old man. I regretted 
that anyone rejoiced. No one seeing him will forget that 
quivering, forespent figure. No one who heard him will ever 
forget the rise and fall of his voice, those unstrained intona- 
tions that went winged to the furthest gallery. 

" The state are not the proper people to manage industry," 
he said. " Can you point to one single thing that it has made 
a success of ? " 

" The war," boomed a man, and the congress roared its 

Tom Shaw put the mighty and conservative forces of cotton 
behind the miners, and William Brace, the miners' M.P. of 
the right, followed him. Smillie then summed up: 

Mr. Thomas said, and Mr. Brace agreed with him, that the govern- 
ment's reply is likely to be No. Their reply depends upon the deter- 
mination of this congress. If we approach the government in that 
spirit, telling them that we believe they are not going to move, they 
will not move. That is not the way to move governments. Over 
5,000,000 members are represented at this congress. People say that 
those 5,000,000 have no right to dictate terms to the nation, but what 
do the 5,000,000 represent? They represent a large part of the 
nation, and I want the congress to pass this resolution with the deter- 
mination that the government must act and the government will act- 

A card vote was demanded, and resulted as follows: 

For nationalization .4,478,000 

Against 77,000 

Of that 77,000, Havelock Wilson's union includes 65,000. 

The "Direct Action" Issue 
The debate shifted to another footing when Tom Shaw, 
of the textile workers, moved for a declaration against " indus- 
trial action in purely political matters." He said ; 

Every one in this country knows that so far as the trade union 
movement is concerned there are two outstanding figures in the advo- 
cacy of industrial action — Robert Smillie and Robert Williams. Their 
idea of industrial action is to create a revolution in this country, and. 
their idea of government is the soviet government system of Russia. 
We were told only yesterday that Lenine was the great teacher of 
the age. I say that Russia is not free-— her people have no chance of 
determining their own destiny. I say she is not socialistic. If social- 
ism means anything, it means the nationalization of the means of 
production, distribution, and exchange, and their administration by 
the whole nation for the good of the whole nation. That condition 
of affairs does not obtain, and never has obtained, under the Lenine 
regime in Russia. To call it ». republic is a misuse of terms. I 
cannot understand the mentality of 'any man or woman in this con- 
gress who proclaims that state of society a" republic in which the 
people are denied the right to decide their own destiny and are gov- 
erned literally at the end of a iifle. 

Arthur Hayday, M.P., of the general workers, seconded 
Shaw's resolution. James H. Thomas, head of the railway- 
men, rose to oppose 'the resolution, but he did it so skillfully 
that half of the newspapers next morning said he had favored 
it. It is not the least of Mr. Thomas's faculties— this of walk- 
ing the tight-rope between respectability and revolution. He 
desires to hold public opinion and also his " radical " rank 
and file, who are increasingly moved by Cramp, Hodges, 
Smillie,. guild ideas, the Central Labor College, and other in- 
fluences of the left. The vigor of his personality and the 
volume of his voice disguise the balancing which he has done 
for a year. Actually he saw and said that labor could not 
give up its strike weapon, but that the weapon was a dangerous 
double-blade for the wielder as well as the victim. 

Frank Hodges, secretary of the Miners' Federation, fol- 
lowed, and held the tense interest of the delegates as he had 
done at Southport. Later in the sessions Clynes' was to hold 
it by the same power of reasoned statement — from the oppo- 
site angle. They are separated by a generation in years, and 
their addresses put the case for and against direct action for 
political ends more tellingly perhaps than ever before in the 
industrial debates that are stirring all England. Too signif- 
icant to be compressed into a conference report, they will be 
quoted at length in a later issue of the Survey. 

After a brisk and brilliant debate, the previous question was 
put — which means " passing the buck," an evasion of the issue. 
The congress refused to decide against direct action.. If they 
had passed this resolution, it would have put them in this posi- 
tion: if they went to the Prime Minister, and he refused 
their request, they would then have been pledged not to exert 
the only pressure immediately open to them. 

James H. Thomas, in moving the resolution on Russia and 
the military service acts, and, failing repeal and withdrawal, 
the calling- of a special congress to decide what action shall 
be taken, said: 



The unfortunate thing in discussing Russia is that those who 
demand some clear statement of policy or who protest against men 
being conscripted for one purpose and used for another, are invari- 
ably met, not with a statement of the case, not with a defence of 
policy, but the war-cry that they are sympathetic to Bolshevist rule. 
I will only answer that by saying that, so far as this congress and 
the labor movement are concerned, we refuse to give the right to 
any government in any country to interfere, to dictate, or attempt to 
mould that policy which must be the duty of the people themselves. 

Smillie, The mas and Clynes 
Smillie supported the resolution, saying: 

It was put by Mr. Shaw that all our efforts in the direction of 
direct action were for the purpose of endeavoring to bring about a 
revolution. Personally I give that the lie direct. I am prepared to 
accept that sort of thing from dukes and capitalists, and capitalist 
newspapers, but it is too mean, too contemptible, for one comrade to 
say of another. We have been charged also with conspiracy and 
sedition. Any man who at all times keeps before his eyes the suffer- 
ings of his class, and recognizes that capitalism is the cause of that 
suffering, will always be charged with trying to foment revolution. 

I have for thirty years preached the necessity of an industrial 
revolution in this country, and I will go on preaching that, so long 
as my life continues. Life at the present time, and in the past, has 
not been worth having, and it is our business to advocate an indus- 
trial revolution. I do not desire to see an armed or a bloody revo- 
lution. I am an evolutionary revolutionist. 

Tom Shaw himself followed in support: 

On the vital issue there is no difference of opinion. Not a man 
in this congress believes in intervention in Russia. We should not 
shed one drop of British blood on an internal Russian quarrel. Con- 
scription is bad in essence, and is not to be tolerated in peace. I 
shall welcome the time when we come to grips with the question 
whether or not the working people shall adopt direct action. Mr. 
Smillie will find that I am as keenly with the majority as he can be. 

Then it was that Clynes answered in a speech, so clear, 
reasoned and moving, that the congress responded in round 
after round of applause. It was entitled to the same respect 
and received it, as the statement of the new order by Smillie 
and Hodges. No other man in the British labor movement 
is comparable to these three in reaching the mind and heart 
of a multitude with the memories and traditions, the hope 
and aspirations of their group inheritance, projected in wide 
survey and touched by personal suffering. 

The resolution was carried with only two voices raised in 

" The most important trades union congress in the history 

of the British labor movement " came to an end with a debate 

on the question of Ireland. The question was raised on the 

following special resolution, moved by J. H. Thomas: 

This congress views with alarm the grave situation in Ireland, 
where every demand of» the people for freedom is met by military 
rule. The congress once again reaffirms its belief that the only solu- 
tion is self-determination, and calls upon the government to substitute 
military rule by self-determination as the real means whereby the 
Irish people can work out their own emancipation. This congress 
expresses its profound sympathy with our Irish brethren in their 
hour of repression. 

With the new Parliamentary Committee inclining toward 
the earlier conception of the function of a trade union move- 
ment, the fighting policy (labor is nothing if it is not militant) 
clearly depends for its dynamic and its direction on the chair- 
man. J. H. Thomas was elected chairman of the Parliamentary 
Committee and therefore chairman of next year's congress, 
and of any special congress. [Since this article was written 
the strike of the railwaymen has made him also the central 
figure of another swift industrial crisis.] His summing up 
of the congress is of importance because it reveals what he 
considers the mandate given to him, and shows in what direc- 
tion he will exercise his leadership. He says : 

The congress felt that after the appointment of a royal commission 
to consider and report on this matter (the mines) the government 
were morally bound to accept the findings of the commission. There 
can be no doubt that the workers are behind the miners jn the demand 

for nationalization, not, let it be observed, because of any benefits 
to accrue to the miners as miners, but on the much broader and 
sounder ground of a proposition of interest and benefit to the state 
as a whole. The principle was clearly put that no section of the state 
is greater than the state as a whole, and it is in that spirit that the 
proposal was carried. 

Considerable confusion exists with regard to the vote on direct 
action. There was no vote for one simple reason, that the wording 
of the resolution submitted could have been construed as giving away 
the right to strike under any circumstances. 

On conscription there is only one thing to say — we succeeded 
in crushing German militarism and we were told that among the 
other advantages would be a reduction on military expenditure. This 
year's budget gives the answer, and the fact that the number of men 
— volunteers — in the army today is greater than the pre-war stand- 
ard is sufficient comment an the situation. 

In short, the labor movement, through its congress at Glasgow, 
is not only alive to where we are drifting, but intends to play its 
part to save the country from ruin. 

Inside the Parliamentary Committee, in these years of crisis, 
Thomas has unflinchingly given his vote to the side of interna- 
tionalism. This coming year, therefore, the Parliamentary 
Committee can be counted on for five things: 

1. To work in closer harmony with the executive of the labor party. 

2. To cooperate in the labor and Socialist international. 

3. To stiffen up and strengthen the National Industrial Council. 

4. To get a move on the Parliamentary Committee in general 
business. Thomas is a hustler in execution when he receives a 

5. To watch carefully the currents running through the rank and 
file, and not seek merely to suppress them. 

Shadows Cast Before 

It is probable that we shall see either a general election or a 
special congress within the next few months. Such a special 
congress might well force a general election. The congress will 
deal with a " burning issue," not with the abstract question 
of direct action. It would prefer a general election to a gen- 
eral strike. It is not ready to substitute the congress for parlia- 
ment. But it showed at Glasgow that it is determined to have 
a representative parliament and a democratic government. 

Anyone reading this report of Congress would gather that 
Smillie, with the organized power of the miners back of him, 
was the chief figure of the congress. He was. He had so 
carried the congress in his stride that the 847 other delegates 
could do no Less in their British self-respect than assert that 
they, too, were among those present, and defeat the miners' 
candidates for the Parliamentary Committee, and reelect most 
of the group they had just censured. It was either that»or 
make him the lone leader of all labor. This is something they 
have never done for any man. 

The Glasgow Herald (an anti-Smillie paper) said on Sep- 
tember 12: "Events have conclusively shown that Mr. 
Smillie is the dominating personality of the congress." The 
New Statesman of September 13 said: 

However wrong his methods may be, the indisputable fact re- 
mains that Mr. Smillie has done more than all the parliamentary 
labor leaders put together to make a continuance of Mr. Churchill's 
Russian adventure impossible. Without him and his direct actionist 
friends it is, to say the least, doubtful whether the labor view on 
this vital question would have obtained any hearing at all. There is 
surely something there to be remedied. 

Alexander M. Thompson, the labor writer of the Daily 

Mail, says of the vote for nationalization: 

That is the net result of one strong, determined man's grim 
tenacity to one fixed and unalterable idea. The only .possible end 
to the fight on which he has entered, Mr. Smillie solemnly told the 
congress, is the nationalization of the mines, and his impassioned 
advocacy of that end carried the assembly like a rushing mountain 
torrent. It was a speech of great eloquence, evidently intense feeling 
and persuasive discretion. The result of the vote was never in doubt, 
but Mr. Smillie's oratory made assurance doubly sure. 
[Continued on page 46] 

At the Gates of Bagdad 

How Tommy Turned Relief Worker in the Land of Haroun-al-Rashid 

By L eland Rex Robinson 



OME thirty miles northeast of Bagdad is a British 
encampment, under the Mesopotamian Expedition- 
ary Force but unique in that it shelters neither a 
field army nor an occupation force. It is known as 
the Marshall's Bridge Refugee 
Camps, and it has protected 
for more than seven months 
fully forty-five thousand Arme- 
nian and Assyrian refugees from 
Asia Minor and northwest 
Persia. When the future of 
these smaller nationalities is de- 
cided upon, the military will 
assist the repatriation of the 
refugees and leave them, under 
the direction of organized re- 
lief workers, to rehabilitate their fields and villages. 

The site chosen by the Expeditionary Force when it was 
confronted by the unexpected task of caring for this army of 
war sufferers is the point at which the military railway, now 
constructed to the Persian frontier, carries a wooden trestle 
bridge across the Diyala river, a Tigris tributary from the 
mountains of Kurdestan. Here the loop of the river cuts off a 
tongue of barren land on its higher western bank from the 
groves of willow, palm and orange in its well-watered flats, 
and the camps break the monotony of the desert. 

In August 1918, a station tent was pitched to mark a new 
stop on the military line, and Marshall's Bridge was added to 

the railway schedule. Colonel and his staff arrived soon 

after. Following the hurried preparation of several camp 
sites and temporary shelters, daily trains from the ever-advan- 
cing rail head brought the weaker ones among the refugees on 
the last stage of their journey, and by early September the 
camps were in efficient activity. 

In the latter month, by the courtesy of the authorities, I 
made my first visit to Marshall's Bridge and watched the 
classification and care of trainload after trainload of refugees 
arriving in greater number than four thousand weekly. Every 
day was repeating the previous day's experience, and a brief 
description of my first sight of the refugees, as they left the 
railway trucks, would be typical of the arrival of each train 
with its strange human freight. 

For a moment, as though dazed by their first rail journey, 
the refugees looked about bewildered ; then a throng of women, 
many of them hugging puny babies in wrappings of bright- 
colored rags, decrepit old men, girls and boys too young or 
weak to drive the pack-asses for the last stage of their wander- 
ings, moved slowly toward the registration tents. In the glare 
of the afternoon sun they knelt by caldrons of water and 
dashed it on their flushed faces; women drank it from 
trembling hands and bore it to parched little lips in the hollow 
of their palms. One rose to go. The toddling youngster by 
her side cried piteously, took a few feeble steps, fainted, and 
was dragged a limp weight in the strong grasp of the mother's 
hand. There was one more stretcher case, and a frantic 
mother parted for a time from her child ; how could she know 

that Kurdish sword, or Turkish bullet did not still lurk for 
dragging steps, or that the British would not kill her baby as 
the Turks had threatened ? 

For two hours, in single file, the line formed from the wait- 
ing groups outside and passed through the registration tents. On 

the one side Captain , of the intelligence service, scanned 

faces to detect Turkish spies, and on the other Chaldean inter- 
preters gave out serially numbered identification discs. In an- 
other hour the sick requiring immediate treatment were in the 
emergency hospital, and those suffering from infectious dis- 
eases were carefully segregated. The others had been led to 
the area of the reception tents, where they were fed from pots 
of boiling stew and, for two days of undisturbed rest, allowed 
to acquaint themselves with their strange environment. As 
on every other day room had been made for these newcomers 
by evacuating earlier groups from the reception camp to their 
permanent tent sections, after the kerosene bath and the steam- 
ing of each one's clothes had killed all parasites. 

So large were these assignments to permanent camp sections 
that week by, week new stretches of the desert glistened in 
canvas. Two months after the erection of the • first shelter 
you might have hopped into one of those circular Arab boats, 
made of palm branches and bitumen, and rotated idly down 
stream for three miles, yet within the limits of the camp. 

From the distance there is little to distinguish this city of 
refugees from an army camp. So large a military personnel 
was diverted to its organization and supervision in the closing 
weeks of the Mesopotamia campaign that it may fairly lay' 
claim to the name. Platoons of Indian cavalry, assigned to 
guard,, bivouac on its outskirts. The old familiar Union 
Jack and Red Cross flags mark three hospitals of the Indian 
and British armies; the bugle sounds reveille in the camp of 
the De.vonshires; airplanes from a nearby aviation station circle 
above it; military supply trains leave army rations for its 

The Remains of an Empire 

For here there is no living from the land. Through 
mismanagement characteristically Turkish, and therefore 
thorough, the fertility of a terrain once the world's granary, 
coaxed into harvests by intricate irrigation, has been allowed 
to disappear. Only the narrowest belts of river bank are 
watered by goat-skin bags, for the cost in animal power of 
drawing river water up high banks over wooden spools is pro- 
hibitive except for the tiniest spillways. Where the river has 
tended to spread its life-giving flow, the Arab fellah, more 
ignorant than malicious, has often used his spade to distribute 
the water into a wasteful flood. This is the country from 
which ancient empires drew their armies of sturdy peasantry; 
yet from the mountain barriers of the Persian frontier, whose 
snowy summits can be dimly seen on the clearest dayS, to the 
skyline of palm and minaret which mark, from afar, the 
traveler's approach to " Bagdad the glorious," there is now 
scarcely a patch of barley, maize, or wheat save by the river's 
side, or a tree save in the environs of mud-walled villages. 
Only a part of the requisites of the camps can be locally 





On the way to the registration tents at 
Marshall's Bridge 

produced. Canned meats, tins of " bully beef," are Australia's 
contribution, or the mother country's, and at no time has 
wheat production been so plentiful that the crude flour re- 
quired for so large a camp was not a severe draft on the 
army rations. Poplar poles can be bought from the Arabs, 
and local produce officers in nearby military posts supply palm 
leaf matting and palm branch crosspieces. But construction 
posts, like railway ties, must come from India. Each one of 
the hundreds of sizable field tents used for sheltering the 
refugees meant one less for the Mesopotamian campaign and 
further calls from overseas. Indeed, there were times when 
such tents could not be spared, and exhausted people were 
left exposed to the sun — with but three poles and a couple of 
worn army blankets to protect each family. Even so common 
a commodity as the gasoline tin (which, by-the-way, shares 
with the Ford van the credit of " winning the war in Mesopo- 
tamia") must be brought from afar. 

This is to say nothing of needs of sanitation among people 
frankly unaccustomed to social cleanliness. Such problems 
lend an easy solution in army camps, but not all the efforts of 
the Ceylon Sanitary Corps and the medical staffs could save 
us from the menace of an epidemic when train after train 
hurled its human car loads at overworked officers and men. 

There was no one to blame in the matter. People had been 
dying by the roadside in their dazed tramp across the Per- 
sian passes. Unbidden, almost unexpected, they had come, 
over forty thousand strong, but could not be barred back to 
their gutted villages and ruined vineyards in Asia Minor or 
northwest Persia. The British military posts on the Persian 
highway between Hamadan and Khanikin were not estab- 
lished to meet the road needs of such an exodus as this, and 

there was no manna in the wilderness. The refugees must be 
sent from those not at all to those but little prepared for them, 
yet detailed to a soldier's effort in their behalf. 

Day by day the news was flashed from road station to 
road station on the British line of communications between 
Persian outposts ; day by day the signals te.nt of the refugee 
amps ticked its message of new arrivals at the rail head, 
armies of ragged, helpless sick. We had followed the prog- 
ress of these scattered bands from afar, but preparations were 
often incomplete at first — it is not child's play to organize 
quickly the labor force of refugees demoralized by weeks of 

Detailed to Refugee Camps 
The military have done heroically and well at Marshall's 
Bridge. It was not long before each camp section was sup- 
plied with chlorinated water in iron tanks, and force pumps 
and hydrants supplanted Tommy-policed labor gangs who had 
passed buckets up the river banks. During a brief lull in the 
daily arrivals the open burning piles were scrapped, and there 
were substituted closed brick ovens for incinerating refuse. 
Like Topsy, perhaps, this surprising city in the wilderness 
" only jis' growed," but it grew according to plans de- 
veloped with military precision and carried out under the 
direction of military men. 

The three hospitals, for instance, could never have been 
organized by civilian agencies. Each one has nearly a half 
thousand beds, laboratory, complete medical equipment, a staff 
of army physicians, nurses and orderlies, and a first-aid service 
reaching every camp section through special medical tents. 
These hospitals were part of the fighting force, and every tent 
had its place on the pitching map. As units they moved from 
field or base to the refugee camps; the iron cots held other 
sufferers than sick Tommies or wounded Turkish prisoners. 
One cannot pay too high a tribute to those few British sis- 
ters who, without interpreters or sufficient orderlies, or an 
equipment in any way adequate for the need, changed night 
into day in nursing the sick. 

The forced marching had done them to death. At first 
more than half of the dysentery cases among the refugees were 
lost. Never, in those early days, did I pass through a ward 
without seeing several empty beds, not because there were not 
scores of unadmitted sick but because the hand bf death had 
daily touched the sufferers. Vitality was so low that life 
shrivelled like cobwebs in a candle flicker, and the soil of the 
unnamed burying ground was always freshly turned. " It 
was a hideous dream when I first came," I overheard one 
sister say, "but now, thank God, we've the upper hand, and 
we are beginning to live again." 

We must know that these soldiers who fought with Maude 
and Townshend, and have carried General Marshall's cam- 
paign to its victorious issue, were quite as keen to give the 
Turk a taste of British valor as their brothers in France. De- 
tailing to the refugee camps was an exile from much the 
soldier loves; but an exile cheerfully borne and well employed. 

But why — and this question was asked by every detailed 
Tommy — have they come to this place? From the vineyards 
of Van, home of the Armenians, from the fields and orchards 
of Urumiah, home of the plain Assyrians, from the mountains 
of Turkish Kurdestan, home of the Nestorian Assyrians", it is 
a far call to the beating sun of Mesopotamia. 

It is a strange kink in history that nearly all that is now 
left of that early eastern church whose patriarchate was long 
at Bagdad, and whose emissaries spread the Nestorian faith to 
the heart of Asia, should come, a band of refugees, to a spot 
so near their ancient seat. When Haroun-al-Rashid ruled 


the City of a Thousand Nights there were, in the main, 
cordial relations between this vigorous Christian cult and the 
caliphs, and the church tirelessly proselytized throughout Asia. 
Even to the mountains north of Mosul, ancient Nineveh, the 
faith was sped among tribesmen many of whom boasted de- 
scent from the Assyrians who so long struggled with Babylon 
for mastery. Later, under the Mongols, until the time of 
Timur, the Christians enjoyed comparative security. Their 
church slowly succumbed to later prosecution of Tartars and 
Moslems, and the attacks of the Roman church, and by the 
seventeenth century the patriarch resided in an almost in- 
accessible valley near the borders of Persia, the remainder of 
his scattered flock peopling the wild mountains of Kurdestan 
and parts of Armenia. " The Assyrians " they have come to 
be known — partly as a modern designation of their religious 
unity — but no one who has scanned the faces of the " Assyrr 
ian " refugees and glanced, as well, at the chiselled profiles of 
Assyrian conquerors in the stone porches of the buried palace 
of Sennacherib, can doubt that the name is more than 

There is at Marshall's Bridge a group of tents on the river 
bank, and somewhat apart from the main sections of the 
camps, where Mar Shimmon tarries, the Assyrian patriarch, 
an exile with his people. About him are the chieftains of his 
evicted mountain tribes and priests in their frayed cannon- 
icals. The patriarch, " Prince Peter," to interpret his name 
literally, before the war combined political with ecclesiastical 
authority and was answerable to the Turks for the Nestorian 
millet of the empire. For these mountain ranges of southern 
and southeastern Anatolia in Asia Minor have always been 
the home of fugitives from the southern plains, victims of re- 
peated invasions, yet themselves never completely subdued by 
the Turks. Many Nestorians had brought the soil of their 
valleys to the high slopes on which they dwell and built ter- 
raced gardeq plots in mountain crags. In semi-independence, 
and cherishing the traditions of their church, they have 
maintained a nominal allegiance to their religious chief in a 
unity less racial than ecclesiastical. In his patriarchal seat the 
late Mar Shimmon hospitably received each traveler and set- 
tled the disputes of his people with an almost feudal justice. 

Occasionally fraternizing, often skirmishing with Kurdish 
tribes, nothing but their courage has saved them from com- 
plete annihilation. Though their resources were pinched by 
constant depredations, their churches in ruins, their one-time, 
faith but a meaningless formula, a blind reverence for ancient 
religious books handed down for untold generations, they 
might say in the words of that canny Frenchman Sieyes, " We 
have lived ;" they have lived, but little more. 

After the declaration of the Holy War (with which Tur- 
key aligned herself with the Central Empires) it was no 
longer possible for them to live; and Mar Shimmon and his 
mountain chieftains, early in 1916, led them to the fertile 
Urumiah plain in the northwest of Persia. There, despite a 
certain lawlessness on the part of the refugees and their Mos- 
lem neighbors, the Russian military maintained the peace, and 
these mountain peoples lived by the help of their fellow 
Assyrians of the plains, and under the wise guidance of their 
patriarch, the American missionaries and the Russian officers. 
United with them in self-defense, and later in further flight, 
were Armenians who had earlier fled from the Van district 
of Asia Minor. 

The Disintegration of Persia 
It was in the following year that bolshevism loosed the Rus- 
sian grip in western Persia; In March 191 8 Mar Shimmon 


Thousand!; of them were brought to the camp 
in trucks such as this 

was treacherously killed by a Kurdish chief in a pretended 
peace parley. Until late July of last year the Armenian and 
Assyrian Christians held their own, alone, in dogged resist- 
ance to overwhelming numbers of Moslems. The Allies 
should not depreciate the efforts of these hardy fighters who 
defeated the Turks and Kurds in over fourteen engagements 
and held them at bay while Ottoman-led forces invested Ta- 
briz. But the looked-for reinforcements of men, money, 
ammunition, never came from the Allied headquarters in the 
Russian Caucasus. The inevitable break-up followed with 
meager warning; the garrisons of Armenian bands and moun- 
tain tribesmen left their posts, and over seventy thousand 
people moved towards Hamadan in flight. 

The strong made the vanguard ; the weak, the unarmed, 
suffered in consequence of their provocation of Persian vil- 
lagers, and the pressure of Turkish and Kurdish bands. 
Probably twenty-five thousand were killed, lost or captured. 
The roads, first strewn with household articles and food 
thrown away in 'the frantic effort to save life, were later 
strewn with bodies of the dead and dying. Babes were left 
under rocks and in the shelter of bushes; orphaned children 
wandered alone towards the mountains and were seen no 
more. What the sword spared, disease and famine took. 

" If we reach Hamadan," they thought, " the British will 
help us." Indeed there had been proof enough of British 
friendliness on the flight. A doughty band of territorials, 
scarcely more than a dozen in number, with a single machine 
gun had sheared down hundreds of pursuers. 

But when these stricken people threw themselves upon the 
mercy of the British in Hamadan the city had just passed 
through a famine widespread in Persia in the winter of 19 17- 
18, and the addition of an extra forty thousand sadly compro- 


mised the military plans for local food control. Suddenly add and women and children were placed in freight cars at the 

to any hungry city 100 per cent more people, and these in dis- first station of the military line and carried to the Marshall's 

ease, filth, and raggedness, and what alimentation would not Bridge camps. 

be taxed ? In Hamadan, moreover, the organization of food Here families were parted, but never for long. Perhaps 

control had been only recently initiated by the British and the mother and smaller children had been received, -numbered, 

was therefore rudimentary. and examined before the father and his sons drove their don- 

The military grain reserves were sacrificed, and over one keys into the enclosures, received receipts for their animals, 
hundred and fifty tons of wheat were doled out to the vil- and, bent under bulky loads of cooking pots and bedding, 
lages near by where the refugees were. For a week the mili- trudged to the registration tents. Or, perhaps, the earlier 
tary supplies officer scarcely touched his pillow; his two heavy arrivals had been bathed, their clothing disinfected, and their 
lorries ran day and night, carrying vegetables from the native assignments made to some tent in an Armenian or Assyrian 
bazaars. The rise in the Persian currency had not held the section before the men brought up what was left of worldly 
soaring price levels; scarcity of money, and cost, combined goods in their ragged packs and received similar treatment, 
with a ghastly shortage of food, compelled the British to Captain , of the political commissioner's office, Bag- 
hurry their unexpected guests towards the better-stocked low- dad, had been detailed to classify refugees by village, tribe, 
lands. family, occupation and camp section; and the job of grouping 

Between Hamadan and the Mesopotamian railhead the together refugees of the same tribe or village and of so 

British have completed a motor road to connect, at the former assimilating new arrivals with the help of the headmen of 

place, with the Russian-built route to Kasvin and Resht on each section is easy enough for the Military Intelligence. 

the Caspian. Whole Persian villages are employed to repair 

and construct stretches of the road near by, and frequent The Government They Like 

marching posts and rest camps mark the headquarters of T .1 • .« .« ... , , 

. . , , It is worth repeating that the military have shown 

motor transport companies, road engineers and casualty i- 1 -n • - • . j 

—.. , , , , , „ r . . ... , , extraordinary skill in groping with and surmounting unex- 

stations. Disarmed, but guarded by British soldiers, the refu- , ,-rc 1 • vr • \ u -li u 

, . . . . ii-i , t- . pected difficulties. JNo private agency could possibly have 

gees traveled this ancient route, the highway between Ecba- , , ,, ur . • • • j 

1 tj 1 1 t-< f • • , , succeeded as well. We must admit grave errors in judgment 

tana and Babylon. Worn post to post their sick were treated, ,. .- . . ■ , u *u * »u ^ n/r u n> 

, , , , . , ,. . ..... at times, but in the same breath we must say that Marshall s 

and they were red with such supplies as the ruined villages and t> -j • .... . , , , 

,,,-•., ,, ., 1,1 , . , , , bridge is an inspiring, almost unique, example or the service 

bare fields could provide; they knelt to drink from the great .1 °, .,.■ , , T . , , , „ 

6 that the military can render when its power is wholeheartedly 

(devoted to social service. That modern armies, in warfare 
as in occupation, are more than mere conquering forces — 
rather, at times, men massed for service — the British in Meso- 
potamia have often demonstrated. What sanitary measures 
were undertaken in self-protection were supplemented by 
others for the welfare of the people; what steps were taken 
to increase production for the feeding of the armies from 
the occupied territory were supplemented by efforts to bettei 
the lot of the Arab cultivator. 

When General Marshall made his first public appeal in 
captured Mosul he referred to" the city as " the dirtiest place 
I have ever seen;" He warned the people that if they did not 
undertake an immediate house-cleaning the military would. 
As a matter of fact both did. This is community service 
with a vim. 

I recall, in September of last year, an occasion on which 
prominent sheiks of Mesopotamia were entertained in Bag- 
dad by General Marshall. They sped up the Tigris in flying 
boats, and soared over mosques in military biplanes. It is 
wholesome to let such people glimpse the ruler's power, but 
this is not all. The political officer of each district presented 
his guests to the commander-in-chief in a grove of gaily 
festooned date palms, and General Marshall promised them 
schools, roads, credit, sound government, religious protection, 
and, gift of all gifts, the blessed water. That these were 
not vain promises the Arabs well know. The riverain tribes 
at Marshall's bridge and the sheiks of the desert outposts, who have experienced 

the inefficiency of Turkish governors, are in position to appre- 
spring that breaks from the foot of Bisitun Rock, on whose date the forward strides made by British administrators. And 
face the passerby can still read the boast of Darius cut in the they do appreciate. To the majority of Arabs the British are 
shaded cliff and see a row of captive kings immortalized in liberators. It was not altogether a blind impulse that made 
stone. From the Persian mountains to the borders of Mesopo- a Bagdad urchin, on the day of the announcement of the 
tamia they wandered down Paitak pass to the river plains, Turkish armistice, hail my carriage to a standstill, leap to 
tracing in part the route by which conquerors from Persia the driver's seat, and furiously wave a Union Jack, " Where 
once reached the empires of the Tigris and Euphrates, will you live when you are a man?", I asked a little Turk 
Heavily laden pack-mules and asses were driven by men and who serves in the American consulate of Bagdad. "In 
boys; sickly women were carried by returning British lorries, Smyrna, or perhaps in Constantinople?" His answer was 




earnest and quick. "No! I want to be under the 'Great 
Government' (England)." But it must be admitted, as has 
already been suggested, that Tommy is not always an enthu- 
siastic relief worker. The same might be said of officers, 
commissioned and non-commissioned. 

The military method is regimentation, but it is hard to 
regiment mountaineers who, as they have successfully con- 

other for the Assyrian children, with separate tents for boys 
and girls. The fathering of destitute "kids" is the last 
duty these sun-burnt Devons would have expected. Some- 
how, Tommy cannot resist the appeal of a winsome little 
face; it carries him "back to Mighty." "When I go home," 
said one of the " orphan squad," " I'm going to take the ugliest 
one to the wife, for they say as W beauty is only skin deep." 


tested Turkish rule, have also little felt the civilizing forces 
of contact with the world. Their life,of hardy independence 
little fitted them for a military camp, but it was chiefly these 
mountaineers who survived the terrors of the march. It may 
be said, for instance, of their soldiers that what they gain 
in exceptional courage in hand to hand encounter they lose 
in the lack: of disciplined decision. Before this last flight 
from Urumiah a brilliant victory was often sacrificed by the 
failure of their own officers to control their men in pressing 
home the advantage. 

Certainly it is true that the camp regulations are not oner- 
ous. That every able-bodied man in Marshall's Bridge, who 
is not given an exemption slip in the daily "sick parade," 
should contribute his labor is axiomatic. One commanding 
officer, on a tour of inspection, was quite right when he 
remarked that " Moses probably never paid the children of 
Israel for keeping their own camp clean in their, wait for the 
Promised Land." But the typical refugee has not much 
imagination, and he cannot see what immediate advantage 
comes to him from carrying loads of sand to the road embank- 
ment, or erecting barbed wire fences about a supplies dump. 
Furthermore, he is unaccustomed to supervised labor; he 
finds it galling to be paraded to the dump for roll-call and 
tools at an early morning hour, marched off in gangs under 
soldier foremen, and kept at a steady task for the daily work 
period. It is difficult to say who is the more vexed, super- 
visor or supervised. Tommy is the more irascible. The 
half rupee daily payment is in addition to entire care, and, 
because unearned, it was at first refused ; but now it is given 
as a stimulus to work, and a fund for saving, and the pur- 
chase of food and simple necessaries in the refugee-run bazaar. 
Children are more amenable. Many lives were saved by 
the vigorous work of little sweepers. The most contented 

Britishers are probably Lieutenant ; , and his " orphan 

squad." The " orphanage " is a group oi tents in a fenced 
enclosure, with two sections — one for the Armenian, the 

Tommy works overtime in the " orphanage." When the 
daily duties of mess, tent, clothing, registration and sanitary 
supervision are done, there are embryo warriors to train into 
a stave-equipped army. There are two " armies " in fact, 
the Armenian and the Assyrian, and each strives for superior- 
ity in the tiny school established in the orphanage as a training 
squad in citizenship. 

A word should be said about the American work, especially 
in mention of the employment which it has offered refugee 
women. In response to an invitation from the civil commis- 
sioner of Mesopotamia, several workers of the American 
Persian Relief Commission remained in Bagdad to aid the 
authorities of the camps. To the original group of Ameri- 
cans in this service were later added several missionaries of 
the Presbyterian and American boards. Their knowledge 
of the languages and peoples enabled them to render yeoman 
service as intermediaries between British officers and refugees 
under their charge. It is impossible to say how much ill- 
will was avoided by their good offices, and how much the 
general efficiency has been increased by their sympathetic 
explanation of the need of that very military regime against 
which, on more than one occasion, the resentment of the 
refugees has been aroused. As advisers of those in especial 
distress they have transmitted funds to refugees from friends. 
in America and sent cables to distant relatives. 

Relief Workshops 

The best method of fighting discontent is the provision of 
remunerative work. For this reason the Americans have 
provided work. Shacks of poles and palm-leaf matting, coi> 
nected tents for sewing women and bamboo tables for wool 
washing mark the industrial work of the American unit. 
Only a small number of men are employed, for the heavier 
work, but in the time of its highest development the spinning 
industry kept nearly three thousand women busy in piece- 
\Continued on page 48] 




THE men and women — at the present time only one 
woman has been designated — who will meet at the 
President's invitation on October 6 to counsel concern- 
ing industrial relations face a situation on which no other group 
have been able to offer advice acceptable to the majority of 
their countrymen. 

Three kindred attempts have been made during the past 
two decades. During President McKinley's first administra- 
tion, a commission consisting of five senators, five representa- 
tives and nine citizens appointed by the President investi- 
gated and suggested legislation on industrial conditions. The 
report of that commission was published in nineteen vol- 
umes. It was a bulky contribution to the literature of the 
subject, but cannot be said to have changed the drift of 
industrial development in the United States. 

The next important essay in this field was the United States 
Commission on Industrial Relations. This was authorized 
under President Taft, but the members of the commission 
were finally appointed by President Wilson. This body con- 
tributed less to the literature of the field than to public dis- 
cussion. It signally aroused the country to the fact of an 
industrial cleavage. It was unable to bring in a genuinely 
majority report, however, and the findings of the various 
minorities were approved only by the constituencies for which 
each group spoke. In this commission the chairman, Frank 
P. Walsh, and Prof. John R. Commons led two of the diver- 
gent wings. The administration did not make the commission's 
recommendations the basis of a legislative program. 

The War Labor Board, commonly known as the Taft- 
Walsh Board, achieved a much greater practical success. The 
War Labor Board was, albeit, a war expedient. Its task was 
to apply a bodv of agreed principles. These principles were, 
however, accepted by employers and workpeople only for the 
period of the war. National necessity for war production gave 
a sanction to the decrees of the Taft-Walsh Board, which it 
would be difficult to find in ordinary times. In the midst of 
an international war domestic quarrels must be retired. Con- 
sequently no succeeding body can hope perhaps for the same 
measure of common support as that accorded the arbitrators of 
industry during the recent period of struggle. 

The conference which assembles next Monday at Washing- 
ton will be more closely analogous to the War Labor Board 
and to the conference which preceded it than to either of the 
two commissions on industrial relations. Like the War Labor 
Board those chosen to advise with the President on the basis of 
a present industrial peace will attempt to agree upon a set 
of rules immediately applicable. 

The Public's Representatives 

To the President's conference representatives of the public, 
of organized business, of agriculture and of organized labor 


have been invited. Already the nominees of the President in 
behalf of the public and the representatives of labor have been 
named. Mr. Wilson's nominations for spokesmen for the pub- 
lic follow: 

Bernard M. Baruch, of New York, former chairman of the War 
Industries Board ; 

Robert S. Brookings, of St. Louis, former chairman of the price- 
fixing committee of the War Industries Board, a banker and a direc- 
tor of the Carnegie Institute and of the Carnegie Peace Foundation; 

John D. Rockefeller, Jr., who as the dominant factor in the 
Colorado Fuel & Iron Company has shown during the past five years 
an active interest in industrial relations; 

Judce Elbert H. Gary, chairman of the board of directors of the 
United States Steel Corporation, which is now fighting a nation-wide 
strike for collective bargaining; 

Charles D. Eliot, President-Emeritus of Harvard University; 

Charles Edward Russell, former Socialist candidate for gov- 
ernor of New York, but now a self-impelled exile from the Socialist 
Party on account of its attitude toward the war; member of a war 
mission to Russia ; 

John Spargo, also a former Socialist Party leader,- and an Ameri- 
can delegate to the International Socialist and Trades Union Con- 
gress held at Copenhagen in 1910; a supporter of the war; 

O. E. Bradfute, president of the Ohio Farm Bureau Federation ; 

Ward Burgess, a business man of Omaha, Nebraska; 

Fuller R. Callaway, of La Grange, Ga., a cotton manufacturer; 

Thomas L. Chadbourne, of New York city; 

Charles G. Dawes, of Chicago, a banker, controller of the cur- 
rency from 1897 to 1902 and general purchasing agent of the Ameri- 
can Expeditionary Forces; 

H. B. Endicott, of Milton, Mass., a shoe manufacturer and a well 
known arbitrator of labor troubles in Massachusetts; 

Paul L. Feiss, of Cleveland, a clothing manufacturer, and known 
for his interest in welfare work; 

Edwin F. Gay, former dean of the Harvard University business 
school, now head of the New York Evening Post; one of the more 
important leaders brought out by war work at Washington; 

George R. James, of Memphis, Tenn. 

Thomas D. Jones, of Chicago, president of the Mineral Point Zone 
company and a director of the International Harvester Company; 

A. A. Landon, of Buffalo; 

E. T. Meredith, of Des Moines, Iowa, editor of Successful Farm- 
ing, and formerly senatorial and gubernatorial candidate in Iowa; 

Galvin McNab, an attorney of San Francisco; 

L. D. Sweet, an agriculturist of Carbondale, Colorado; and 

Louis D. Titus, an attorney of San Francisco. 

This group representing the public interest in industrial 
relations is plainly various in its attitudes. So far as labor 
polity is involved, Messrs. Rockefeller ar>d Gary are its most 
conspicuous members. Neither of them is known to be favor- 
able to dealing directly with trades unions; both have been 
emphatically hostile thereto; although Mr. Rockefeller since 
the Colorado coal strike of 191 3-1914 has not combatted or- 
ganization by the employes of corporations in which he is 
interested The Rockefeller plan is regarded with distrust by- 
organized labor. In any event, these two men have been 
spokesmen for the two largest employing corporations in the 
country, and the anomaly of appointing them as representa- 
tives of the public, or third party to industrial disputes, stands 
out like a sore thumb. It is quite possible, however, that the 
President thus employed his nominations to make sure that 



the employer group would not be limited to industrial execu- 
tives but include men close to the sources of financial power 
whose subscription to policies would carry weight. • 

The records and opinions of at least half of the public's 
representatives are not generally known. With the exception 
of Mr. Endicott almost none of them have been prominent in 
industrial relations. Mr. Feiss has been an exponent of 
factory welfare work but is not included in the great ma- 
jority of the manufacturers of men's clothing who have estab- 
lished collective bargaining in that industry. None of the 
citizens who became conspicuous in the handling of indus- 
trial relations for the government during the war are included 
in the list nominated to speak for the public. None are identi- 
fied notably with any of the newer movements for joint gov- 
ernment in industry. Also, few of them are national leaders. 
The majority of them appear to be safe, conservative citizens, 
known chiefly in their own communities. In a sense this may 
be the strength of the President's nominees. The public's 
representatives must, of course, act for a citizenship which 
hitherto has given scant attention to problems affecting indus- 
try. Being so much a part of the untroubled public, those 
called together to voice the will of that third party to all in- 
dustrial struggles may, therefore, conspicuously voice feelings/ 
which public opinion will accept as its own and set out to 
ratify. But in general this will be at sacrifice of such store 
of experience and craftsmanship as has been painfully'wrought 
out in recent years. Brandeis, Grey, Mack, Thompson, 
Straus, Neill, Walsh, Commons, Ripley, Seager, Macy, Bing 
— we are not without men of caliber. The President has not 
called them to Washington. 

The Labor Group 

Fifteen representatives of organized labor have been 
designated by the American Federation of Labor to present the 
case of the workers. Nine of them are members of the execu- 
tive council of the A. F. of L. ; only two members of the execu- 

tive council were not appointed. Those not appointed are 
James Duncan, first vice-president, and William Green, fourth 
vice-president. The delegates are : 

Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor; 

Joseph F. Valentine, president of the Iron Moulders' International 
Union; member of the executive council; 

Frank Duffy, general secretary, United Brotherhood of Carpenters 
and Joiners; member of the executive council; 

William D. Mahon, president of the Amalgamated Association of 
Street Railway Employes; member of the executive council; 

T. A. Rickert, president of the United Garment Workers of 
America; member of the executive council; 

Jacob Fischer, president of the Journeymen Barbers' International 
Association; member of the executive council; 

Matthew Woll, editor of the American- Federationist, member of 
the executive council ; 

Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of Labor; 

Daniel J. Tobin, president of the International Brotherhood of 
Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Stablemen and Helpers; treasurer of the 
American Federation of Labor; 

John L. Lewis, acting president of the United Mine Workers of 
America ; 

Sara A. Conboy, organizer of' the United Textile Workers and 
the only woman member; 

William K. Johnston, president of the International Association 
of Machinists; 

Paul Scharrenberg, secretary of the California State Federation 
of Labor ; 

John Donlin, president of the building trades department of the 
American Federation of Labor; and 

M. F. Tighe, secretary of the Amalgamated Association of Iron 
and Steel and Tin Workers. 

The labor delegates with few exceptions represent the inner 
circle of the American Federation of Labor. The outstanding 
non-conformist is Paul Scharrenberg, secretary of the Cali- 
fornia State Federation, who is a member of the more liberal 
wing of the federation. The men's garment industry which, 
save for the overall makers, is outside the A. F. of L. is not 
represented ; yet no industry has pioneered more successfully 
in the creation of sound relations between employers and em- 
ployes. The Woman's Trade Union League is not repre- 

Photo bi/ H'.ne 

(( f\VER the well-nigh countless graves of Europe the grass is growing. Almost one can 

\y liear the simple soothing murmur of the growing grass, a music- rising till the guns are 

stifled and stilled by it. In our own hearts, in our passions, let it be that peace shall rule." — 

Ramsey MacDc 

*■ \s*n nw*s 




J CALL to the citizens of the United States to act " in 
JJL conformity •with the high ideals of democracy and of 
Christianity" in the present condition of strained relations 
between the white and colored races, and a constructive pro- 
gram for inter-racial relations, have just been issued by the 
'Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. The 
planks in the council's program are as follows: 

1. The government, local, state and national, should im- 
partially guarantee to all classes security of life and of 
propertv. Mob violence is becoming a crowd habit. When 
life and property are ruthlessly taken, when men and women 
are lynched with no protection from officers or courts, law and 
order are trampled under foot. We call upon the pulpit, the 
press and all good people to create a public sentiment that 
will support necessary legislation for the enforcement of exist- 
ing laws, that life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness may 
be equally assured to all classes. 

2. The Negro should have economic justice, equal oppor- 
tunity to get and hold work on the same terms as other men, 
with equal pay for equal work, and with fair working and 
living conditions. The entrance of large numbers of Negroes 
into the various industries emphasizes the necessity of an im- 
mediate amicable adjustment of relations with white em- 
ployers and fellow workers. 

3. We call upon men and women everywhere to protect the 
sanctity of home and womanhood. We record with satisfac- 
tion the growing enlistment of Negro leaders in a program of 
education and Christianization such as tends to prevent crimes 
that provoke mob violence. The home of the Negro should 
receive the same measure of respect and protection as that of 
other Americans, and the sanctity of his home relations should 
be safeguarded in every possible way. Swift and impartial 
action of the law should strike the violator of the sanctity of 
any home, white or black. 

4. We recognize as fundamental to the welfare and effi- 
ciency of society that adequate recreational provisions be made 
available for Negro citizens. 

5. We strongly endorse the plea of the Negro for equal 
traveling accommodations for equal charges. 

6. Adequate educational facilities for Negro children and 
youth should be provided not only as a national obligation but 
also as a necessity for national welfare. We emphasize the 
urgency of giving to the Negro his full share of local and 
national funds. 

7. Qualifications for .franchise should be administered ir- 
respective of race, creed or color. 

8. Closer cooperation between the races should be promoted 
by organizing local committees of white and colored people in 
towns and communities for the consideration of inter-racial 
welfare. All possible agencies should be enlisted in fostering 
a spirit of justice and of goodwill in the relations of one race 
to the other. We recommend that the governor of each state 
appoint a standing committee for the careful study of the 
causes underlying race friction with a view to their removal 
and that Congress be requested through a non-partisan com- 
mittee to investigate the disturbed and threatening inter-racial 
situation throughout the nation. 

In its call the council says: 

In the adjustment of race relations our country has in this 
nisis not only its own conscience to satisfy, but also to justify 
itself as a nation before the enlightened opinion of mankind. 
As a foremost exponent of the ideals of democratic government, 
the United States has been lifted to the full view of the world. 
Our present settlement therefore of race relations will influence 
hi a very large measure the settlement of race relations in 
other parts of the world. 

The council points out that it voices the " mind and 
conscience of both races" because in its fellowship are in- 
cluded j,q8q,85J members of Negro churches.. 

sented. The one woman so far appointed is, in fact, an organ- 
izer for the United Textile Workers which long has had a 
quarrel with the league and which has failed in organizing 
such textile centers as Lawrence and Paterson, leading to a 
rise of rival organizations. The railroad brotherhoods are not 
represented. Their resentment over the labor representation 
at the conference has been so intense that they denounced it as 
" undemocratic and inequitable " and criticised President 

Gompers personally for recognizing only one element of labor. 
The absence of any spokesman from the more radical groups — 
whether of workers or farmers— who for better or worse have 
expressed the unrest that gave occasion for this conference — 
is, however, the outstanding limitation of the meeting as a- 
gathering representative of the forces at work today in indus- 
trial America. It is like an eighteenth century religious con- 
ference with the non-conformists left out ! 

This lack of representation of important factors in the 
working life of the country is an indication of practical weak 
ness for the reason that many of the recent strikes have been 
called contrary to the will o-f the established leaders. 1 he 
recent Chicago street railway strike, voted despite the advice 
of the international officers of the union, has been all too 
typical. If, accordingly, only leaders whose ability to control 
their organizations has been challenged by the records of the 
past months are to speak for labor, it is doubtful that what is 
agreed to will be supported by the masses of the workers 


THE General Education Board of the Rockefeller Foun- 
dation hasannounced a gift from its founder of twenty 
million dollars the income of which is " to be currently 
used and the entire principal to be distributed within fifty 
years for the improvement of medical education in the United 
States." According to Abraham Flexner, secretary cf the 
board, the organization was informed of the new gift enly 
a lev cays ago and consequently has not yet had 'time to evolve 
plans for its use. None of it is to go for educational propa- 
ganda, however, as the stipulation is that it be expended in 
the direct upbuilding of medical schools. The gift is uniyue in 
that the money is to be used not for particular medical schools 
but for the improvement of any worthy schools, in increasing 
clinical resources, salaries, etc. 

In three fields, more particularly, the need for additional 
medical training opportunities has for some time been a mat- 
ter of concern to social workers. While there is apparently 
no shortage of general practitioners in the United States, war- 
lime emergencies have shown a lack of men of sufficient special 
training to cope with sudden epidemics and calamities. Sec- 
ond, the insufficiency of knowledge on tuberculosis, on cancer, 
on mental disorders and on a number of other socially impor- 
tant diseases on the part of many physicians in private prac- 
tice is often commented upon by those engaged in preventive 
effort in these fields. Third, there is a great need for more 
physicians trained especially and thoroughly for public health 
service — including not only general sanitation but also the rap- 
idly widening practice of industrial hygiene. This is only 
one aspect, however, of the increasing claim of social medi- 
cine to the special attention of those in charge of institutions 
providing medical education. As Michael M. Davis, Jr., of 
the Boston Dispensary, pointed out at the reconstruction con- 
ference of social workers last December, clinics of all kinds and 
the administration of health insurance laws require 'a new 
type of practitioner with sociological training and outlook that 
as yet is exceptional. 


THE news that the deputies, guards and other attaches 
of the New Jersey State Prison at Trenton have organ- 
ized a union and applied for affiliation with the Mercer 
County Central Labor Union has been received with some 
alarm. No less a possibility than that of the entire .body 
of guards going on strike, thus preparing the way for a gen- 
eral jail delivery, or a sympathetic alliance between guards 
and prisoners has been suggested. The subject is worth 
more sober treatment. In the first place, some answer must be 
made to the guards' contention that they cannot live en their 
present wages of $100 a month, said to be only $10 more than 
they were receiving a decade ago ; in this connection the 
bonus of 25 per cent recommended for them by the State 



Board of Control would be of only temporary relief. Even 
more to the point, perhaps, is the argument that unionization 
does not necessarily mean a resort to the strike; witness the 
affiliation everywhere of firemen with organized labor. 

The guard is in a close and even delicate relation to the 
prison inmates — in loco patriae one might say. He is re- 
sponsible for the primary maintenance of discipline. For 
days at a time he, with the shop foreman, who too is usually 
underpaid, may be the only person connected with the ad- 
ministration whom the prisoner sees. The prisoner thus often 
gets his" whole conception of the prison's intention and func- 
tion from the attitude and conduct of the guard. His deport- 
ment is watched by the guard, breaches of discipline are 
reported by the guard, and it is often the guard's testimony 
that sends a prisoner to solitary, deprives him of tobacco or 
meals, or adds a month to his sentence through the loss of 
" good conduct time." Obviously the guard is in a position 
to be one of the most reformative — or unreformaiive — 
agents in prison. 

What class of guards can be secured for the wages now 
(pn'd ? In the United States civil penitentiary at Leaven- 
worth, Kansas, guards were getting $80 a month last year; 
they were- scheduled for a $10 raise in July. The position 
was fdk$: ; f:bm civil service lists, but owing to the war-time 
'd?r.-.an4'far'"rnen no eligibles had been available for two years, 
and.,tkeipnson had accepted whomever it could get. In the 
A prison -st 'McNeil's Island guards were recently raised 
10 y> too' a 'month, but an economical Congress intended to 
't'e<iuce , this to $3o. Sim'lar wages prevail in the Missouri 

State Prison at Jefferson City. There most of the guards 
are hang-overs from former political administrations; they 
have learned their business under the system of brutality and 
have been taught to regard knocking down a prisoner as a 
joke, so that it is difficult for them to adjust themselves to 
the less brutal regime now in effect. 

" We have to force the G- like cattle," re- 
marked a guard recently. " That's all half of 'em are. They 
ain't human." It has been stated that the almost universal 
underpayment of prison guards is directly responsible for the 
continuance of no small number of criminal careers. 


NCE again the Catholic hierarchy in America has ex- 
pressed its profound sympathy with the forces in the 
national life that make for orderly social progress. 
Convoked after an interval of thirty-five years in Plen- 
ary Council, the two cardinals Gibbons and O'Connell, 
thirteen archbishops and seventy-nine bishops gathered in 
"Washington last week to take counsel over the missionary and 
social tasks of the church in this period of reconstruction. Its 
attitude toward the immediate political and social problems 
was discussed, and the famous reconstruction program of the 
four bishops of the administrative committee of the National 
Catholic War Council endorsed. Cardinal Gibbons, in a 
written statement, urged among other things the extension of 
the work of Catholic charities and a more vigorous practical 
embodiment of the social principles that had been adopted. 





Jollier than standing in the stream 
of a fireman's hose, or free ice on 
-warm days, is the " camp vacation! 
The United Neighborhood Houses of 
New York, the new federation of 
social settlements, made a two weeks 
visit to the country possible for 12,000 
children, this summer. These settle- 
ments <m'« forty ramps, ranging in 
sice from the Farmhouse of East 
Side House, which accommodates 
four hundred, to Camp Dixon of 
Haarlem House, with a capacity of 

More especially did he ask for continuation of the war work 
for soldiers and sailors through the Knights of Columbus. 

The Reconstruction Committee of the War Council has 
recently issued two pamphlets for the purpose of civic education 
which will be translated into several languages and d strib- 
uted widely among immigrants, editions of hundreds of thou- 
sands being printed. A Program for Citizenship deals briefly 
with the elements of American civic rights and responsibilities 
as seen through Catholic eyes. It is, however, far from being 
merely exhortatory. A section on Exploitation, for instance, 
contains a program of nine specific remedies. The Funda- 
mentals of Citizenship is meant as an educational text book 
and in ninety-two pages explains the ideals of American de- 
mocracy and the means by which it endeavors to perpetuate 
the free institutions of the people. Here also one finds evi- 
dence of the modern spirit, though the treatment of the sub- 
jects discussed is strictly objective. 

Another interesting Catholic development is the formation 
last week of a new organization of Catholic social workers in 
New York under the name of the Mulry Club. Over fifty 
representatives of various Catholic social service activities were 
present at the meeting. The purpose of the club, of which 
Archbishop Patrick J Hayes is honorary president, and 
Bernard J. Fagan, chief probation officer of the Children's 
Court, president, is to coordinate the work of the Catholic 
social agencies. More in detail the objects of the club are as 

To promote social welfare in general; to associate Catholics en- 
gaged in social work or in social service activities, whether volunteer 
or professional, with a view to securing and maintaining among them 
a high standard of cooperative study and effort; to promote such high 
standard and general efficiency in social welfare work by the estab- 
lishment of special groups among its members; to hold conferences 

on subjects included within the general scope of social service and 
thus secure the opinions and deliberative judgments of those specially 
trained and experienced in this held; to act in an advisory capacity 
with respect to social service activitiets when called upon by any 
contemplated or existing organization; to initiate, recommend or 
advocate, when deemed wise, social welfare endeavors for the public 
good and to oppose such as may be deemed to operate to the -contrary. 

Membership in the club is open to Catholics who have 
served in social, religious, fraternal or public organizations 
for at least one year. Its work has been divided up between 
committees on civic problems and legislation, social conditions, 
education, families, children, industry, delinquency, and public 
health, each of which will make special studies of the subjects 
assigned to it. 


JEAN BAPTISTE COLBERT, the tercentenary of 
whose birth took place recently, faced problems in many 
respects similar to those which now afflict Europe 
when he took over the disordered finances of Louis XIV 
and tried to find a way out of the economic ruin that had fol- 
lowed almost half a century of devastating wars. He was the 
first among the statesmen of the modern world to recognize that 
lasting security for the state is to be found only in the industry 
and prosperity of the people. He it was who first engineered a 
large-scale immigration of desirable foreign artizans to help 
exploit the natural resources of his country and who, under- 
standing the close relation between industrial progress and 
transportation, spent large sums from the treasury in spite of 
its impoverished state on the improvement of roads and canals. 
Colbert has for long been looked upon as the " father " of the 
protectionist policy because he inaugurated a system of high 
import duties on foreign manufactures and of bonus payments 



on exports of French products. But as a matter of fact his 
whole endeavor was to foster industry in a previously agricul- 
reconcile any industrial dispute or phase of industrial wellfare 
tural country and he himself on one occasion called import 
duties the " temporary crutches of industry." 

Perhaps Colbert's chief claim to greatness rests on the fact 
that, determined as he was to end the exploitation of the 
people by unscrupulous landlords and fraudulent government 
officials which, at that time, was universal in the western 
world, he did not enter the easy path of merely lessening tax- 
ation, but on the contrary did everything possible to make the 
people capable of paying more taxes so that the function of 
government might be increased and not diminished. Thus he 
reduced the cost of living by preventing the creation of artificial 
shortages of food, facilitated marriage, penalized bachelors and 
set a premium on large families. He encouraged the establish- 
ment of chambers of commerce and fostered exchange within 
the nation by all possible means, including the abolition of 
tolls, in order to raise the standard of living. An indefatigable 
worker, he did much, even in those difficult times, to encour- 
age science and art and to give the people, freed from peonage, 
the rudiments of education. Among his many beneficent acts 
was one providing that a workman's tools may not be seized 
in payment of debt. 


THE coal miners are thinking for themselves. This was 
forcefully borne in upon the vvitness to the convention 
of the United Mine Workers of America, held in Cleve- 
land from September 9 to 23. More than two thousand dele- 
gates, representing half a million organized coal miners, crowd- 
ed the convention hall. In spite of the unwieldiness of the 
gathering, it was far from being either an undisciplined mob 
or a formal mechanism for echoing the sentiments of the offi- 
cers. It was a real, deliberative meeting. With regard to the 
big central issues — nationalization of the mines, wages and 
hours — there was an impressive unity of purpose. The dele- 
gates looked upon the work of their officers and their com- 

From the vvulptuve 'ij Onurio Ruotolu 



A'ozv on a visit to the United States, the great Belgian 
churchman said in one of his speeches: " We shall 
rebuild. B-elgium has the spirit, the ambition and the 
energy, and she will rebuild and become greater and 
more powerful than ever before. . . . A great tree 
draws its strength from the roots, which reach down 
far into the sources of strength in the ground. My only 
merit has been to have been in perpetual touch with the 
soul of my people." 

mittees and saw that it was good. The mass of shirt-sleeved 
delegates listened With intense, almost solemn earnestness 
to the reading of the resolution demanding nationalization 
of the mines and then arose as one man to express approval. 
The wage demands were carried with a shout. The miners 
of the great bituminous coal fields have fulfilled to the letter 
their agreement made in October, 191 7. Citing the increase 
in the cost of living, they made demands for more wages in the 
fall of 1918, but when their demands were refused by the Fuel 
Administration and the President they went on producing coal 
at the old wages. Last spring they went through a severe 
period of unemployment — one delegate, in complaining of this 
experience, said that his employment averaged only one day a 
week, but another capped his tale by saying that work in his 
mine averaged only one day a month. A 60 per cent increase 
and a 30-hour week are drastic demands, but the miners insist 
that they are warranted by conditions. 

In another respect the program of the union officers was 
carried out with enthusiasm. This was in the matter of the 
alliance with the railroad brotherhoods and support of the 
Plumb plan. Addresses of three heads of brotherhoods were 
heard on the opening day, and when Mr. Plumb himself pre- 
sented his plan a few days later, the resolutions endorsing the 
plan and calling for a conference with the brotherhoods were 
carried by acclamation. 

The first big surprise came in the action on the League of 
Nations. The miners' delegates to the convention of the 
American Federation of Labor threw the weight of their 
[Continued to page 43] 



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I American Labor and trie War 

Samuel Gompers 
President of the A. F. L. 

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Peace and Business 

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Socialism Versus the Slate 

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Former U- S. Commissioner of St. Michael, Alaska 

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j Pioneers of Birth Control 

by Dr. Victor Robinson 

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a I 

Some Facts About the 

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(Continued from page 23) 

4,000 votes in favor of the league, and a miner, John H. 
Walker, is a leading labor advocate of the league. William 
Green, secretary of the organization, made an earnest appeal 
in behalf of the resolution endorsing it and was warmly 
applauded. Then a gray-haired delegate, Greathouse of West 
Virginia, leaped upon the stage with a British flag in one 
hand and an American flag in the other. " Will you vote to 
put the Union Jack above the Stars and Stripes?" he asked 
dramatically. " No ! " the convention roared, arfcj the tide 
was turned. Duncan McDonald, president of the Illinois 
Federation of Labor, called attention to the Shantung pro- 
vision and to the status of India and Ireland. He proposed 
that the whole matter be tabled, and it was dorie by a decided 
majority vote. The endorsement of the labor party movement 
was another important action that was not on the program 
of the wiion.. officials. 

The convention showed its independence when it rejected 
with laughter a proposal of the constitution committee that 
the term of the international officers be lengthened from two 
to four years. The hottest fight, however, came on another 
constitutional question, when a resolution calling for the 
election of organizers and auditors was adopted, reversing the 
original report of the constitution committee. 


Action of the United Mine Workers' Con- 
vention on Important Questions 

Nationalization of the Mines. Government ownership, the 
workers to have " equal representation " in the manage- 

Hours. The six-hour day and the five-day week. Aboli- 
tion of double shift work, except that necessary for de- 
velopment and ventilation. 

Wages. A general 60 per cent increase. Time and a half 
for overtime and double time for Sundays and holidays 
for all day workers. 

Democracy within Organization. Organizers and trav- 
eling auditors to be elected instead of appointed. 

Alliance with Railroad Workers. "An alliance whereby 
the organized workers in these two great basic industries 
may act jointly in all matters of mutual interest, such as 
the democratic administration of these industries with the 
workers having equal representation in the management, 
under a system of nationalization." The alliance to be 
formed at a joint conference to be held October 1. 

Plumb Plan. Plan endorsed and support pledged to the 
railroad brotherhoods. 

Steel Strike. Support and " practical aid " promised, form 
of aid to be determined by executive council. 

One Big Union. Any member joining the One Big Union 
to be expelled from membership in the United Mine 

Mooney. Special committee to ask President Wilson for 
new trial or unconditional pardon. 

Labor Party. Conference of labor representatives to be 
called to form a labor party. Representatives of the co- 
operative movement, Nonpartisan League and farmers' 
organizations to send representatives. 

Social Insurance. Compulsory health insurance and old 
age pensions favored. 

League of Nation Resolution endorsing the league 

Russia. Immediate withdrawal of American troops urged. 

Ireland, India, etc. Self-determination for* all peoples 

Political Prisoners. Repeal of espionage act and amnesty 
to 2II political prisoners favored. 

State Constabulary. Tactics denounced as unlawful; its 
abolition^ urged. 

Burleson. Removal from office to be requested of President 
Wilson. # 

Cooperation. Endorsement of Rochdale system reaffirmed. 



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Essays on the Meeting-Ground of 

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The indispensable textbook for every social worker, con- 1 1 

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China's case is given a truthful and vigorous presentation. 

DODD, MEAD 8b' COMPANY, Publishers New York 
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Coal Industry Commission 
of Great Britain 

June, 1919 

Published in pamphlet form at 

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The Remaking of a Mind 

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MATTERS of interest to social reformers loom large 
in the present programs of state and municipal bu- 
reaus of research. An analysis of these, recently made 
by the Governmental Research Conference, shows that muni- 
cipal account keeping — the earliest and still most important 
object of the oversight exercised by such bureaus — has become 
the starting point for a wide variety of studies. Efficiency 
is no longer sought merely in the arrest of useless expenditures 
but in more effective spending and, at times, even additional 
spending so that administrative activities may be increased 
in usefulness. The present period of reconstruction also 
has made its mark on these programs. Thus the Akron 
bureau is collecting information and helping the Soldiers' and 
Sailors' Memorial Committee to formulate plans for a great 
polytechnic and a federation of social agencies, and the Phila- 
delphia bureau has just completed a study of the cost of living 
of workingmen's families to serve as a basis for wages in 
public employment., The Indianapolis bureau is cooperating 
with the advisory committee on community recreation of that 
city in locating community centers; and the Rochester bureau 
is studying the building code of that city and the procedure 
of the bureau of buildings with a view to recommending 
amendments which would facilitate house construction. 

Other interesting items are as follows: The Detroit bureau 
— under the direction of Lent D. Upson, one of the most active 
and expansive in subjects covered — is working with special 
committees of the Community Union to formulate feasible 
programs towards which the future activities of the city may 
be directed, more particularly along the lines of education, 
health and transportation. It also has in hand a detailed 
study of the conviction for crime in the city, to determine the 
character of the offense, previous convictions, economic and 
social conditions of the persons convicted and other facts 
which will serve in determining the future policies of the 
House of Correction and which may be of service to the 
courts. The Indianapolis bureau, among other things, is 
active in cooperation with the War Chest Board in bringing 
about reorganizations and mergers of local charities. The 
Department of Civics of the Kansas City Chamber of Com- 
merce likewise is busy on charity organization and is assisting 
in the formation of a federation of charities. The Milwaukee 
bureau has set itself the interesting task of working out a 
plan for installing the straight eight-hour day for all employes 
at county institutions. The New Jersey State League of 
Municipalities is cooperating with the State Board of Health 
in a child hygiene campaign for which the last session of the 
legislature has appropriated $125,000. 


THE social service creed recently adopted by the Board 
of Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, which 
insisted on the recognition of the workers' right to 
organize for collective bargaining, is evidently taken so se- 
riously by some preachers that they insist on applying it at 
home. In a report to the Chicago Methodist Ministers' As- 
sociation on the differences between the Methodist Book Con- 
cern and their employes, the Rev. J. L. Garrison reminds the 
Social Service Committee that in 191 5 the general conference 
of the church called upon the book company to pay their 
employes the union scale of wages. Notwithstanding this 
action, the report says, the book concern has not raised the 
pay of the men in accordance with the raise in the union 
scale. After giving figures bearing out this statement with 
reference to the linotype machine operators, the report con- 
cludes, " Dr. Jennings [the agent and publisher for the church] 
is reported to have said that there is no tyranny on earth equal 
to the tyranny of a dissatisfied labor union. There is — the 
tyranny of a perfectly satisfied publishing agent who has no 
conception whatever of the governing principles of the twen- 
tieth century." The resolution on this report asking that the 



Methodist Book Concern pay the union scale of wages is to 
be acted upon by the Ministers' Association committee on social 
service. This commission immediately set to work to verify 
the charges contained in the report. The dominant sentiment 
among the ministers and their committee is very friendly to 
the cause of collective bargaining, and, if the charges are veri- 
fied, action will undoubtedly be taken to remedy conditions 
that in any way thwart this cause or are out of harmony with 
the social gospel of the church. 


IT IS not usual for a social agency to include in its first 
annual report an account of reorganization and change of 
name, as the National Information Bureau (ne National 
Investigation Bureau) has occasion to do. Organized on 
October 1, 191 8, to investigate and endorse war relief organ- 
izations appealing to the public for funds, it inaugurated its 
" peace service " on August 1 of this year, on the plan de- 
scribed in the Survey for July 12. 

The work of the bureau in protecting charitable contribu- 
tors and conserving charitable resources by individual reports 
to members and circulation of its endorsed lists of war relief 
organizations is familiar to readers of the Survey, but it is 
interesting to know that the number of different war relief 
enterprises represented in its files is 428; that 93 have been 
endorsed and 109 refused endorsement; and that 1,480 de- 
tailed reports have been issued to inquirers. Furthermore, 
the bureau can report that the net results of the work begun 
by the Bureau of Advice and Information of the Charity 
Organization Society and continued during the past year 
under the new organization include the practical disappearance 
of the commission method of raising money among war chari- 
ties and a great improvement in their methods of administra- 
tion. When the Charity Organization Society began its war 
relief investigations there were so many of them operating 
without properly audited accounts, and " it was so difficult to 
make their officers understand what good business procedure 
was," that for a while it was necessary to accept " any fairly 
suitable financial statement prepared by people who were be- 
lieved to be reliable." For the past year, however, the bu- 
reau " has had little difficulty in persuading legitimate organ- 
izations to place their financial dealings on a proper footing." 
Much has been accomplished also to increase efficiency by 
bringing about working agreements among organizations and 
the elimination of duplicating activities, and the hope is ex- 
pressed that the enthusiastic leaders in war work, as they 
lay down their emergency tasks and turn to more permanent 
forms of social work, will be found throwing their support 
in the direction of intelligent cooperation and sound principles, 
" so that a condition of amiable anarchy such as existed in the 
early days of war relief may not be duplicated." 

Since entering upon its peace program on August 1 — the 
study and endorsement of agencies of national scope engaged 
in social, civic, cr philanthropic work and supported in whole 
or in part by voluntary contributions — the bureau has to 
record that it has already engaged in the investigation 
of 187 organizations. As heretofore, the bureau's conclusions 
will not only be communicated in detail to members, but will 
also be given to the public in the form of an endorsed list. The 
bureau " hopes to exercise a constructive influence on the 
methods adopted by social agencies." It plans, for example, 
to arrange conferences of organization working in the same 
field for the purpose of comparing programs and increasing 
effective cooperation. It is giving increased attention to 
budget making, and is prepared to suggest standard forms of 
accounting. It has received several inquiries for general in- 
formation on problems of administration, and is planning to 
accumulate data on such subjects, in order to become a clear- 
ing house of information, statistical and otherwise, on social 
work. It is prepared to suggest means of supervising solicita- 
tions for contributions in local communities and to serve upon 

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The Steel Strike is not just a modern flare-up from the ashes g 1 

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TO teach the art of" properly building great national, 
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against the ravages of the forest fire. • 

The Parliament of Labor 

By Arthur Gleason 

(Continued from page 12) 

The difficulty of disposing of Mr. Smillie is that no leader 
is more in control of his rank and file. Where other leaders 
have split their following, he has the backing of his miners. 
They have been resolute constitutionalists in their, trade union 
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possible. His honesty in agreements has been testified to by 
Lord Askwith in the House of Lords. His personal life is 
the pride of Lanarkshire workers. He is attacked by most 
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All sections of the left have united on Smillie in making 
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strategic platform. He has dominated the Coal Commission, 
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the quality of his utterances I feel that he is stretching him- 
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of his working life and knows it, that we are listening very 
literally to the " last words " of one who will be a tradition 
in Britain. 




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Workshop Committees. Suggested lines of development 
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in Practice. By C. G. Renold. Industrial Relations. 
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112 East 19th Street 


At the Gates of Bagdad 

By Leland Rex Robinson 

[Continued from page 35] 
work in their tents, and supplemented the family income by a 
few annas a day. Another thousand women combed and 
cleaned the wool, made quilts, and cut and sewed garments 
which were distributed to the neediest families and supplied 
in quantity to the hospitals and the orphanage. Following 
systematic investigations of the more needy, shoes, cloth, com- 
fortables, yarn for socks, and coats cut from worn army blank- 
ets were distributed in such a way as to aid the military efforts 
to protect the people from the rigors of a winter in the tents. 

Despite any efforts in their behalf the British know only 
too well that the Armenians and the Assyrians will never 
become colonists in a new Mesopotamia. Their hearts are in 
the highlands. There is a tradition among the latter that 
God first peopled the plains and the river valleys. Then 
the mountains cried, " We are lonely," and God said, " I 
will make you a race whose bodies are as strong as your rocks, 
and whose courage is as great as that of the eagles that perch 
in your cliffs." For generations mountaineers, these people 
feel a genuine affection for every natural beauty which marks 
their home and that of their fathers. 

The refugee camps lie, in part, in the bed of a famous 
ancient canal which once shunted water from the twin rivers 
throughout one of the most extensive irrigation systems ever 
constructed. Wherever the eye glances across the desert are 
the hollows and hummocks that mark these one-time water- 
ways, now but interminable ridges in the waste. What this 
region once was it may become again when the irrigation 
plans now on paper become a reality. But the Armenians of 
Van will not be tempted by this. 

In fact, no systematic attempts have been made by the 
British to place the refugees on the land. A few sporadic 
earlier efforts to scatter a few of them among half-deserted 
Arab villages to till the soil under the direction of British 
officers were quickly abandoned by orders from general head- 
quarters, Bagdad, foreshadowing their imminent repatriation. 
The fighting men and volunteers among them are being 
trained, as an aid in this repatriation, into three or four 
battalions, combining cavalry and infantry. Their training 
camp is a part of Marshall's Bridge, and they will accompany 
the refugees, probably under British officers, as a defensive 

When the refugees will return, or how, if indeed this has 
been decided at all, few people know. It is rumored that the 
Assyrian mountaineers will trek northward through Mosul; 
that the Urumiah plain people will be returned to northwest 
Persia through a southern and Persian route; that the 
Armenians of Van will be sent from Bagdad to Busra in 
Tigris steamers, thence be transshipped to Egypt via the Red 
sea and dropped at some rail port on the eastern Mediter- 
ranean, to journey as far as possible by Asia Minor railways. 

Be this as it may, there is no doubt that the greater task 
lies ahead. The military cannot always be responsible for 
these people. It is one thing to care for them under condi- 
tions of flight ; it is quite another to see them installed in their 
fields again, their Moslem neighbors pacified, and to sink. 
money and life into the more difficult work of reconstruction. 
New Armenia is a challenge to nation builders. I have 
found an instinctive longing among Armenians of all classes 
that America shall have the protectorate. Whatever that 
outcome may be, our humanitarian duties seem obvious. 



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Classified Advertisements 

Advertising rat€s are/: Hotels and Re- 
sorts, Apartments, Tours and Travels, Real 
Estate, twearty- cents/per agate line; four- 
teen lines 1(0 the laeti. 

"Want" a"tf*extiaements under the various 
headings "SituafioTiK Wanted," "Workers 
W mted " ctayiive cekus each word or ini- 
tial including the address or box number 
for 'each ln«eH*«rr Minimum charge $1.00. 
AddcessxAdvertising Department, The Sur- 
vey, 1>2 East 19th St., New York City. 


increase its resident staff by adding a 
capable person, Jewess preferred, to act_ as 
secretary to the Head Resident. Position 
open pctober 15th- Address, giving full 
infornfatum^as- to age, .experience, refer- 
ences, salary exp ected, etc., 3274 Survey. 

WANTED — Jewish speaking social 
worker with experience in juvenile court 
work. Apply to Bureau for Jewish Chil- 
dren, 516 N. 4th Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 

WANTED: Fifty Public Health 
Nurses for positions in the Middle West. 
Have several vacancies for school and in- 
fant welfare nurses. Apply to the Bureau 
of Intelligence of the Chicago Tuberculosis 
Institute, 8 S. Dearborn Street, Chicago, 

WANTED : Physician with one year's 
general hospital experience, as resident in 
Sanatorium of Pulmonary and Chronic 
medicine; salary $100 monthly and full 
maintenance. Excellent opportunity for 
advancement. Address Medical Director, 
Tewish Home for Chronic Invalids, Ang- 
lian, Yto, 

WANTED: An assistant for the execu- 
tive and teaching work of the Citizenship 
Department of the Connecticut Woman 
Suffrage Association. Must be college 
woman with some speaking experience. 55 
Pratt Street, Hartford, Conn. 

WANTED as assistant to scout execu- 
tive a reliable young man with some suc- 
cessful experience in boys' work. Must 
have some knowledge of athletics, swim- 
ming, etc., and ability to keep up the work 
of the organization, attend to records and 
to put boys through their Scout Examina- 
tions. Address " Ohio " 3301 Survey. 

WANTED:. Experienced case worker 
io take charge of district field work. Ap- 
ply Associated Charities, 302 City Hall, 
Peoria, Illinois. 

social service department, men only. A 1 il- 
ity to take charge of statistics essential. 
Independent executive and field investiga- 
tive work. Location, Albany. Salary, 
$1600 to start, with increase to $1800 in 
six months if successful. Address 3302 

TEACHER in school for six backward 
children ; one with special training either 
in manual training or gymnastic work, but 
will take an experienced primary teacher 
if right person. Tel. 774 S. O. Charlotte 
Hoskins-Miner, South Orange, N. J. 

for six backward children where all house- 
hold share in domestic duties; no laundry 
work required ; applicant required to do 
cooking one day every week ; must be fond 
of children ; possess teaching instinct and 
have at least high school education. Tel. 
774 S. .0. Charlotte Hoskins-Miner, South 
Orange, N.'J. 


EXPERIENCED social worker, graduate 
in domestic science, several years teachiag 
experience, seeks position in social work. 
Address Social, 1625 Hennepin, Minne- 
apolis, Minn 

WANTED : By a minister of experience, 
just returning from overseas, a position as 
superintendent, secretary, publicity agent, 
or financial agent for a. benevolent institu- 
tion. Address 3295 Survey. 

tary, and administrator; constructive and 
practical Americanization director ; educa- 
tional work, employment - management ; 
legal aid; legislative campaign, ' research 
and reference; surveys and investigations. 
Linguist. Forceful speaker with initiative, 
originality and resourcefulness. Address 
3177 Survey. 

directorship settlement house in foreign 
community. Man Italian, woman Ameri- 
can. Both trained social workers of varied 
experience in social work and business. If 
small settlement, could combine with other 
social work position. Address 3303 Survey 

WANTED : Secretarial position or as 
assistant to executive- by expert stenog- 
rapher with commercial, political, legal and 
legislative experience. Highest references. 
Harriet Herriman, 316 Capitol, Jefferson 
City, Mo. 

YOUNG WOMAN, trained, experienced 
recreation leader wishes position in settle- 
ment or school in Chicago or suburb. Two 
and one-haif years' experience. Addresi 
3299 Survey. 

PHYSICIAN, licensed, good qualifica- 
tions, wants position association, location, 
partnership or industrial connection; will- 
ing to invest. Address 3304 Survey. 


has faithfully delivered your Survey for 
some time past, but is now outgrown. 
Survey, 112 East 19th Street, New York. 

sisting of foot and hand Graphotypes, foot 
and power" addressographs, plate holders 
and cabinets. Address 3298 Survey. 

i 9 i 9 


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tions; copy unchanged throughout the month. 
Order pamphlets from publishers. 

Transactions of the First National Co- 
operative Convention. 300 pp. $1.00. 
Published by The Cooperative League of 
America, 2 West 13th St.. New York. 

Fob Value Received. A Discussion of indus- 
trial Pensions. John A. Fitch. Reprinted 
from the Survey. Price 5 cents. Special 
rates for quantity orders of any of the above 
on application. The Survey. 112 East 10th 
St., New York. 

Immigration Literature distributed by Na- 
tional Liberal Immigration League, P. O. Box 
1261, New York. Arguments free on request. 

Workshop Committees. Suggested lines of 
development of workers' shop organizations, 
management questions and types of organiza- 
tion. By C. G. Renold. Reprinted from the 
Survey for October 5, 101 S. Shop Com- 
mittees in Practice. By C. G. Renold. In- 
dustrial Relations. A Summary of Con- 
clusions reached by a Group of Twenty Brit- 
ish . Quaker Employers after Four Davs of 
Discussion in 1917 and 1918. (The three 
articles above in one reprint.) 

Report op the Provisional Joint Committee. 
Adopted unanimously by the British Indus- 
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April 4. Reprinted from the Survey for 
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The President's Industrial Conference 

The First Fortnight 
By William L. Chenery 

WAR was sufficient to sanction and, in large degree, 
to enforce industrial peace in the United States. 
At the threshold of international peace is 
America to he thrown open to a somewhat modi- 
fied state of industrial warfare? That is the question which, 
with tremendous nation-wide strikes in the offing, gave oc- 
casion for the President's Industrial Conference. And it is 
significant that the deliberative body debating it has been not 
the Senate, which was discussing Shantung and amendments 
to the Versailles Treaty at the other end of Pennsylvania 
avenue, but an experimental type of industrial congress, rep- 
resenting not historic geographical areas, but the powerful 
functional groups which factor in the economic life of modern 

Early in its sessions, the President's Industrial Conference 
confronted frankly this question of war or peace. It wav- 
ered. It discussed revolution. It seemed uncertain whether 
to leave the future to the god of battles or to seek an organi- 
zation for peace. At intervals neither the employers nor the 
trade unionists seemed to care greatly which way the die was 
cast. When the conference adjourned Friday, at the end of 
its first two weeks, the public spirit of both, or, rather, the 
spirit of the public group, appeared to be proving dominant. 

The primary struggle arose naturally over the question of 
collective bargaining — a question which no body, authorita- 
tively representing the American people had ever previously 
been able to decide, except temporarily as for the war emer- 
gency. Lying in the background of this general issue of col- 
lective bargaining was the bearing of any decision reached 
upon the contemporaneous steel strike. For both the employ- 
ers and the trade unionists appeared to believe that so far as 
the general public was concerned the quality of the confer- 
ence would be revealed by what was done concerning that 
fundamental conflict. So strong was this conviction that the 

proposal made by President Gompers to create a committee 
to arbitrate the steel strike was postponed while the confer- 
ence sought to compose its mind on the more general prob- 
lem of the recognition of trade unionism. 

The temper of the conference, despite the recurrent refer- 
ence to the possibility of revolution, was never radical. 
Neither the public's representatives, the employing group, nor 
the spokesman of the American labor movement evinced at 
any time a desire for revolutionary reorganization. As con- 
trasted with the militant attitude of the labor group of the 
Industrial Relations Commission of 1914-15, or with the labor 
representatives who participated in the conference out of 
which the National War Labor Board was born, the group tak- 
ing part in the President's Industrial Conference proved con- 
servatively conciliatory. No serious hope, for example, seem- 
ed to be entertained that such a statement of the right to col- 
lective action as that under which the Taft-Walsh board op- 
erated, would issue. A common recognition that labor was 
not in as strong a position strategically as it was during the 
war was evident even though it was explicitly denied. That 
subscious feeling gave color to the early transactions of this 
congress of industry. Yet no less potent was the manifest 
conviction on the part of all groups that the war had so 
stressed the democratic organization of society that the same 
emphasis must be carried over into whatever decisions were 
made for the future. 

An imposing setting was given this conference on the state 
of industry. The hall of the Americas in the Pan-American 
building, a beautiful structure (paid for in part by money 
earned in the steel industry and donated by Andrew Carnegie) 
was the chosen assembly room. In the large court fountains 
played and brightly colored tropical birds perched in the 
palm trees. The marble staircases, regal in width, gave the 
dignity of the King's Robing Room to this meeting of the 




Resolution offered by Samuel Gompers, president of the 
A. F. of L., October 9, with the assent of the labor group. 

Resolved, That whereas the nation-wide strike now in prog- 
ress in the steel industry of America affects not only the 
men and women directly concerned, but tends to disturb 
the relations between employers and workers throughout our 
industrial life; and 

Whereas this conference is called for the purpose of sta- 
bilizing industries and bringing into being a better relation 
between employers and employes; and 

Whereas organized labor wishes to manifest its sincere 
and fair desire to prove helpful in immediately adjusting 
this pending grave industrial conflict; therefore, be it 

Resolved that each group comprising this conference select 
two of its number and these six so selected to constitute a 
committee to which shall be referred existing differences be- 
tween the workers and employers in the steel industry for 
adjudication and settlement. 

Pending the findings of this committee this conference re- 
quests the workers involved in this strike to return to work 
and the employers to reinstate them in their former positions. 

the representatives of the work-a-day world. The spacious 
hall itself possessed a dignified splendor which made its im- 
pression on all assembled. In this environment the confer- 
ence representing the public, the employing interest, and or- 
ganized labor convened. The three groups were separated 
and by the rules were compelled to vote as units. Labor sat 
at the left, the public in the center, and the employers at the 
right — thereby producing for the first time on this side of the 
water the divisions so characteristic of the legislative cham- 
bers of the European capitals. The three groups by their 
emphasis were made to symbolize three classes, tangible if 
less distinct than those so frankly recognized in the France 
of the revolutionary days. The President's Industrial Con- 
ference had the courage, or the indiscretion, to recognize and 
segregate them along the boundaries of their supposed in- 
terests. That is a new phenomenon in the United States, but 
perhaps typical of the present grasping at the realities of life 
however seriously those realities may seen to challenge the 
tradition of the American republic. 

The public group was distinctly less homogeneous than 
either the labor or the employing group. As indicated in a 
previous discussion [See the Survey for October 4] many va- 
rieties of experience and of opinion were represented in the 
group of men and women chosen to speak for the public. 
Judge Elbert H. Gary, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Ida M. Tar- 
bell, Lillian D. Wald, Getrude Barnum (for three women had 
been added to the early lists ) , President Charles W. Eliot, 
Bernard M. Baruch, H. B. Endicott and Henry S. Dennison 
could hardly be expected to represent a single point of view, 
yet with the exception of Judge Gary, who was obviously em- 
barrassed by the existence of the steel strike, and with the 
exception of his solitary supporter, the public group did find 
itself able to act as a unit and to vote with unanimity on de- 
cisive issues. In fact, the leadership of the conference might 
fairly be said to rest with the public group. Employers be- 
longing to it spoke with persuasive force which they could 
not possibly have exerted had they been solely the repre- 
sentatives of employing interests. Men such as Mr. Baruch 
and Thomas L. Chadbourne were enabled by the fact of their 
membership in the public group to take action and to achieve 
results which would have been impossible had they spoken 
for anything l~ss than the general interest. 

The first division came over Mr. Gomper's resolution call- 
ing on the conference to take action concerning the steel 
strike. Had that been brought to an immediate vote it would 

doubtless have been quickly defeated. Either the employing 
group or the spokesman of labor would probably have with- 
drawn from the conference. As it happened, however, the 
specific question was deferred by a combination of the public 
and labor groups until the conference had thrashed out the 
question of collective bargaining. Indicative of the temper 
of the conference was its approach to this fundamental ques- 
tion. All appeared to realize that unless some decisive ac- 
tion was taken concerning it the conference would come to an 
inglorious end. The committee of fifteen containing five 
representatives of each of the groups, under the chairmanship 
of Mr. Chadbourne, finally drafted a resolution which was 
approved unanimously by the labor and the public members 
of the committee. The five spokesmen of the employers had 
not, however, given it their sanction. The resolution was as 

The right of wage earners to organize in trade and labor unions, to 
bargain collectively, to be represented by representatives of their own 
choosing in negotiations and adjustments with employers and in respect 
to wages, hours of labor and rules and conditions of employment is 

This must not be understood as limiting the right of any wage earner 
to refrain from joining any organization or to deal directly with his 
employer if he so chooses. 

This was on Thursday. A dramatic moment in a confer- 
ence replete with the picturesque was signalized when John 
D. Rockefeller, Jr., first of all arose in his seat to speak in 
behalf of the resolution. Judge Gary, who ordinarily occu- 
pied a chair nearby, was conspicuously absent. In a full, 
rich voice Mr. Rockefeller read his argument. In the course 
of his address he made statements and used phrases which 
have a memorable suggestion of that great coal strike in 1914 
in which he was a prominent, if an unwilling, actor. "Repre- 
sentation is a principle which is fundamentally just and vital 
to the successful conduct of industry," said Mr. Rockefeller. 
"This is the principle upon which the democratic government 
of our country is founded. 

Surely it is not consistent for us as Americans to demand 
democracy in government and to practice autocracy in in- 
dustry. . . . With the developments in industry what they 
are today there is sure to come a progressive evolution from 
autocratic single control whether by capital, labor or the 
state to democratic control by all three." 

How far Mr. Rockefeller is willing to carry forward the 
implications of these broad statements the future alone knows. 
Certain is it, however, that his utterances in defense of the 
principle of collective bargaining mark a revolutionary 
change of attitude from that which his Colorado fuel man- 
agers assumed, with his subsequent backing, at the outset of 
the wracking strike of 1913-14. If so great a change could be 
wrought in the stand of one man within that period surely 
there is ground for thinking that the industrial problem is 
not insoluble. 

The incident closed with the labor group clapping, as he 
sat down, the man they had damned from one end of the 
country to the other five years ago. Following Mr. Rocke- 
feller — perhaps in a not unconscious sequence, came John 
Spargo. Declaring himself a Socialist for all time, Mr. Spar- 
go, too, laid aside his pristine social philosophy for the pur- 
poses of the present needs of the nation. He, too, pleaded 
in support of this mild recognition of the principle of trade 
unionism. Highly persuasive also was the argument of H. B. 
Endicott, of the public group, who spoke as an employer, as 
the employer of the largest number of workers in any single 
establishment in the shoe industry of the world. Quietly and 
from the wealth of his own experience, Mr. Endicott argued 
in behalf of the recognition of collective bargaining. Later 



he was followed by Paul Feiss and by Henry S. Dennison, 
who stood unequivocally for the principle of representation 
in industry and for the unqualified liberty of employes to 
choose their own representatives. 

There was bitter controversy and much sharp speaking. 
Frederick P. Fish, a lawyer and chairman of the National 
Industrial Board, led the initial attack on the majority recom- 
mendation. Mr. Fish, and others of the employer group, in- 
sisted that the question of collective bargaining might be left 
in the individual plant. He expressed the fear that collective 
bargaining and the closed shop were synonymous. Through- 
out the entire discussion that argument was made. Obvious- 
ly, however, the attitude taken by Mr. Rockefeller had a very 
important influence on the employers' group and the second 
day of the discussion, Friday, indicated a distinct change in 
sentiment. On that occasion Harry A. Wheeler, chairman of 
the employers' group, brought in a substitute resolution. Mr. 
Wheeler stated that the broad principle of collective bar- 
gaining was not the issue and that the right of organization 
was freely conceded by the employers. The resolution offered 
by the employers as a substitute was as follows: 

Resolved that without in any way limiting the right of the wage 
earner to refrain from joining any association or to deal directly with 
his employer as he chooses, the right of wage earners in private as 
distinguished from government employment, to organize in trade and 
labor unions, in shop industrial councils, or other lawful form of asso- 
ciation, to bargain collectively, to be represented by representatives of 
their own choosing in negotiations and adjustments with employers in 
respect to wages, hours of labor, and other conditions of employment, 
is recognized ; and the right ,of the employer to deal or not to deal 
with men or groups of men who are not his employes, and chosen by 
and from among them is recognized; and no denial is intended of the 
right of an employer and his workmen to voluntarily agree upon the 
form of their representative relations. 

The obvious immediate purpose of the employers' version 
was to save the steel strike which, it was freely said — not on 
the floor, of course, but in private conversation — had been 
lost by the strikers. The proviso, however, had a nullifying 
effect on the entire resolution. So intense was the debate 
which followed that Samuel Gompers was brought from a 
sick bed to assist his labor associates in presenting their case. 
Another moment of high emotion came when the veteran labor 
leader, ill and showing in his voice the effects of the strain 
through which he had been, arose to state his case. The presi- 
dent of the American Federation of Labor spoke with that 
passion which only a veteran orator has at his command. 
Nothing, however, was immediately decided. The close of 
day and the week-end recess shoved the ultimate decision an- 
other week forward, but the crisis seemed to have been passed. 
Neither the employing group nor the labor delegation had 
been willing to take the responsibility of forcing a decision 
which might have meant the dissolution of the conference and 
the call to industrial warfare. Each seemed astutely so aware 


Resolution offered by A. A. London, vice-president of the 
American Radiator Company, Buffalo, October 9, with the 
assent of the public group of which he is a member. 

Resolved, whereas, the first need of the country, in order 
to increase production and to reduce the cost of living, is that 
all obstructions from whatever source should be removed a? 
soon as possible, now therefore be it 

Resolved that it is the wish of this conference, and it is 
hereby requested, that all who are now in a state of industrial 
conflict — those employers who have locked out labor, and labor 
now on strike for any cause whatsoever throughout t he 
United States — immediately resume the status quo, ooth 
sides to resume their normal producing conditions without 
predjudice to their contentions in any existing dispute; agi- 
tation and organization on both sides to be withdrawn during 
a period of three months. 

of the necessity of not affronting public opinion that further 
compromise appeared to be inescapable. 

As a background to the discussion and to subsequent de- 
velopments, it should be borne in mind that none of the pre- 
vious efforts at laying the basis of industrial peace in America 
has succeeded in evoking a clear and unequivocal expression 
concerning trade unionism. The industrial commission ap- 
pointed by President McKinley in its final report was able to 
recommend : 

The right to be employed and protected without belonging to a union 
should be preserved; but every facility should be given labor to organ- 
ize if it desires and the last vestige of the notion that trade unions are 
a criminal conspiracy should be swept away. 

That recommendation was made seventeen years ago, in 
the days when President Roosevelt was first ending the regime 
of Mark Haftna, but in all the time which has since past no 
joint body, representative of the dominant elements in Ameri- 
can industrial life, has been able to unite on a more advanced 
statement. The United States Commission on Industrial 
Relations was unable to bring in a real majority report and 
so failed to crystalize the nation's attitude toward this cen- 
tral question of industry. The War Labor Board — the Taft- 
Walsh board — was, it is true, during the war period able to 
utilize a very clear principle of union recognition. In the 
present conference, however, it was frankly stated that the 
necessities of the war had forced sacrifices which would not 
have willingly been made under other circumstances and 
which would not be repeated at this time. 

Jn contrast with this hesitance of the present Industrial 
Conference in this matter, the action of the recent British In- 
dustrial Conference is significant. The provisional joint 
committee reported to the Industrial Conference at West- 
minster on April 4 last, as follows: 

The basis of negotiation between employers and work people should, 
as is presently the case in the chief industries of the country, be the 
full frank acceptance of the employers' organizations on the one hand 
and trade unions on the other as the recognized organizations to speak 
and act on behalf of their members. 

The Canadian Conference said: 

On the whole we believe the day has passed when any employer 
should deny his employes the right to organize. Employers claim that 
right for themselves and it is not denied hy the workers. There seems 
to be no reason why the employer should tleny like rights to those who 
are employed by him. 

Not only should employes be accorded the right of organizing, but 
the prudent employer will recognize such organization and will deal 
with duly accredited representatives thereof in all matters relating to 
the interests of the employes when it is fairly established to be repre- 
sentative of them all. 

The President's conference will discuss other important 
aspects of the industrial problem. The high cost of living, 
industrial and vocational training, the hours and wages of 
women and children in industry, unemployment, unemploy- 
ment insurance, and immigration are on its agenda. Action 
on these matters, on the proposal of the secretary of labor to 
establish a system of industrial councils for the purpose of 
preserving the peace between labor and capital, and on an 
endless variety of other resolutions presented by individual 
members and groups, was left in suspense until the confer- 
ence should pronounce its final opinion on this primary issue 
of the economic order. 

The son of the richest man in the world has, albeit, thrown 
the weight of his influence on the side of those who think that 
the principles of self-government which have proved good in 
political life are of value also in industry. Even with such 
an ally and with the very brilliant generalship of distin- 
guished members of the public group, a solution was not 
reached in first clash of debate. On that solution depends 
the outcome of the conference and probably the immediate 
peace and prosperity of American industry. 


An Address before the Industrial Conference at Washington 

By John D. Roc kef el low, Jr. 

I SPEAK as a member of the public group. I hold no 
executive position in any business corporation and am 
not here representing any business interests. I have 
come in response to the request of the President to 
accept appointment as one of the representatives of the gen- 
eral public in this conference and am considering the ques- 
tions which come before the conference from that stand- 

The resolution before the conference is predicated upon the 
principle of representation in industry, which includes the 
right to organize and the right to bargain collectively. In 
supporting the resolution I beg leave to present the follow- 
ing statement which for the sake of brevity and clearness 
I have reduced to writing: 

The experiences through which our country has passed in 
the months of war, exhibiting as they have the willingness 
of all Americans, without distinction of race, creed or class, 
to sacrifice personal ends for a great ideal and to work to- 
gether in a spirit of brotherhood and cooperation has been 
a revelation to our own people and a cause for congratu- 
lation to us all. Now that the stimulus of the war is over 
the question which confronts our nation is how can these 
high levels of unselfish devotion to the common good be main- 


Resolution offered by John D. Rockefeller. Jr.. irith respect 
to industrial representation, October 9, with the assent of the 
public group. 

Resolved, whereas, the common ground of agreement and 
action with regard to the future conduct of industry, and the 
development of a new relationship between capital and labor 
which the President sought in calling this conference can 
only be discovered as we approach the problem in the spirit 
of justice, brotherhood, and of willingness to put one's self 
in the other man's place, the coming of which means the 
substitution of confidence for distrust, of good will for enmity, 
of cooperation for antagonism; and 

Whereas this spirit can be developed only by the resumption 
of personal relations between employer and employe or the 
nearest possible approach thereto; and 

Whereas some form of representation in industry is essen- 
tial in order to make personal relations possible under modern 
industrial conditions: 

Now therefore be it 

Resolved, that this conference recognizes and approves the 
principle of representation in industry under which the em- 
ployes shall have an effective voice in determining their terms 
of employment and their working and living conditions; and 
be it further 

Resolved, that just what form representation shall take in 
each individual plant of corporation, so long as it be a method 
which is effective and just, is a question to be determined 
by the parties concerned in the light of the facts in each 
particular instance: and be it further 

Resolved, that any form of representation to be adequate 
must include: 

1. Ample provision whereby the stockholders and the em- 
ployes through their respective representatives shall give cur- 
lent consideration to matters of common interest such as 
terms of employment and working and living conditions: 

2. And such further provisions, if any, as may be necessary 
to insure the prompt uncovering of grievances, real or alleged, 
and their speedy adjustment. 

tained and extended to the civic life of the nation in times 
of peace. 

We have been called together to consider the industrial 
problem. Only as each of us discharges his duties as a 
member of this conference in the same high spirit of pa- 
triotism, of unselfish allegiance to right and justice, of devo- 
tion to the principles of democracy and brotherhood with 
which we approached the problems of the war can we hope 
for success in the solution of the industrial problem which 
is no less vital to the life of the nation. There are pessi- 
mists who say that there is no solution short of revolution 
and the overturn of the existing social order. Surely the 
men and women who have shown themselves capable of 
such lofty sacrifice, who have actually given themselves so 
freely, gladly, unreservedly as the people of this great coun- 
try have during these past years, will stand together as 
unselfishly in solving this great industrial problem as they 
did in dealing with the problems of the war if only right is 
made clear and the way to a solution pointed out. 

The world position which our country holds today is due 
to the wide vision of the statesmen who founded these United 
States and to the daring and indomitable persistence of the 
great industrial leaders, together with the myriads of men 
who with faith in their leadership have cooperated to rear 
the marvelous industrial structure of which our country today 
is justly so proud. This result has been produced by the 
cooperation of four factors in industry, labor, capital, man- 
agement and the public, the last represented by the consumer 
and by organized government. No one of these groups can 
alone claim credit for what has been accomplished. Just 
what is the relative importance of the contribution made to 
the success of industry by these several factors and what 
their relative rewards should be are debatable questions. 
But however views may differ on these questions it is clear 
that the common interest cannot be advanced by the effort of 
any one party to dominate the other, to arbitrarily dictate 
the terms on which alone it will cooperate, to threaten to 
withdraw if any attempt is made to thwart the enforce- 
men of its will. Such a position is as un-American as it 
is intolerable. 

Almost counties are the suggested solutions of the indus- 
trial problem which have been brought forth since industry 
first began to be a problem. Most of these are impracticable; 
some are unjust; some are selfish and therefore unworthy; 
some of them have merit and should be carefully studied. 
None can be looked to as a panacea. There are those who 
believe that legislation is the cure-all for every social, eco- 
nomic, political and industrial ill. Much can be done 
by legislation to prevent injustice and encourage right ten- 
dencies, but legislation will never solve the industrial prob- 
lem. Its solution can be brought about only by the intro- 
duction of a new spirit into the relationship between the 
parties to industry — a spirit of justice and brotherhood. 

The personal relationship which existed in bygone days 
is essential to the development of this new spirit. It must 
be reestablished; if not in its original form, at least as 




nearly so as possible. In the early days of the development 
of industry, the employer and capital investor were fre- 
quently one. Daily contact was had between him and his 
employes, who were his friends and neighbors. Any ques- 
tions which arose on either side were taken up at once and 
readily adjusted. 

A feeling of genuine friendliness, mutual confidence and 
stimulating interest in the common enterprise was the result. 
How different is the situation today. Because of the pro- 
portions which modern industry has attained, employers 
and employes are too often strangers to each other. Per- 
sonal contact, so vital to the success of any enterprise, is 
practically unknown and naturally misunderstanding, sus- 
picion, distrust and too often hatred have developed, bring- 
ing in their train all the industrial ills which have become 
far too common. Where men are strangers and have no 
points of contact, this is the usual outcome. On the other 
hand, where men meet frequently about a table, rub elbows, 
exchange views and discuss matters of common interest, 
almost invariably it happens that the vast majority of their 
differences quickly disappear and friendly relations are 
established. Much of the strife and bitterness in industrial 
relations results' from lack of ability or willingness on the 
part of both labor and capital to view their common prob- 
lems each from the other's point of view. 

A man who recently devoted some months to studying 
the industrial problem and who came in contact with thou- 
sands of workmen in various industries throughout the 
country has said that it was obvious to him from the outset 
that the working men were seeking for something which at 
first he thought to be higher wages. As his touch with them 
extended he came to the conclusion, however, that not higher 
wages but recognition as men was what they really sought. 
What joy can there be in life, what interest can a man take 
in his work, what enthusiasm can he be expected to develop 
on behalf of his employer, when he is regarded as a number 
on a pay roll, a cog in a wheel, a mere "hand?" Who 
would not earnestly seek to gain recognition of his man- 
hood and the right to be heard and treated as a human 
being and not as a machine? 

While obviously under present conditions those who in- 
vest their capital in an industry, often numbered by the 
thousand, cannot have personal acquaintance with the thou- 
sands and tens of thousands of those who invest their labor, 
contact between those two parties in interest can and must 
be established, if not directly, then through their respective 
representatives. The resumption of such personal relations 
through frequent conference and current meetings, held for 
the consideration of matters of common interest such as terms 
of employment, and working and living conditions, is essen- 
tial in order to restore a spirit of mutual confidence, good 
will and cooperation. Personal relations can be revived un- 
der modern conditions only through the adequate repre- 
sentation of the employes. Representation is a principle 
which is fundamentally just and vital to the successful con- 
duct of industry. This is the principle upon which the dem- 
ocratic government of our country is founded. On the battle- 
fields of France this nation poured out its blood freely in 
order that democracy might be maintained at home and that 
its beneficent institutions might become available in other 
lands as well. Surely it is not consistent for us as Americans 
to demand democracy in government and practice autocracy 
in industry. 

What can this conference do to further the establishment 
of democracy in industry and lay a sure and solid foun- 

dation for the permanent development of cooperation, good- 
will and industrial well being? To undertake to agree on 
the details of plans and methods is apt to lead to endless 
controversy without constructive result. Can we not, how- 
ever, unite in the adoption of the principle of representation, 
and the agreement to make every effort to secure the endorse- 
ment and acceptance of this principle by all chambers of 
commerce, industrial and commercial bodies and all organ- 
izations of labor. Such action I feel confident would be 
overwhelmingly backed by public opinion and cordially ap- 
proved by the federal government. The assurance thus given 
of a closer relationship between the parties to industry would 
further justice, promote good-will and help to bridge the 
gulf between capital and labor. 

It is not for this or any other body to undertake to deter- 
mine for industry at large what form representation shall 
take. Once having adopted the principle of representation, 
it is obviously wise that the method to be employed should 
be left in each specific instance to be determined by the par- 
ties in interest. If there is to be peace and good-will between 
the several parties in industry it will surely not be brought 
about by the enforcement upon unwilling groups of a method 
which in their judgment is not adapted to their peculiar 
needs. In this'as in all else, persuasion is an essential ele- 
ment in bringing about conviction. With the developments 
in industry what they are today there is sure to come a 
progressive evolution from autocratic, single control, whether 
by capital, labor, or the state, to democratic cooperative 
control by all three. The whole movement is evolutionary. 
That which is fundamental is the idea of representation, and 
that idea must find expression in those forms which will 
serve it best, with conditions, forces, and times, what they 


Resolutions offered by Henry S. Dennison, president of the 
Dennison Manufacturing Co., Framingham, Mass., with the as- 
sent of the public group of which he is a member. 

Collective Bargaining 

Whereas a serious inequality of bargaining power between 
employers and employes always imperils industrial peace, 

And whereas equality of bargaining power requires both 
the right of collective bargaining upon the part of the employes 
and the right of the employers to deal directly with their em- 

Now, therefore, be it resolved that it is the opinion of this 
conference that (1) Employers should at all times recognize 
the right of their employes independently to organize for the 
purpose of collective bargaining and should always be ready 
to meet any groups of their employes either directly or through 
its representatives, and 

(2) Labor should recognize the right of the employers to 
deal with their employes directly, through freely elected shop 
committees or otherwise, as well as through trade unions. 

Shop Committees 

Resolved, whereas maximum production is only possible if 
the full interest of the workman is enlisted in his work, and 

Whereas a sound social policy demands that work shall be 
done under conditions which promote the self-respect of the 
workman and afford him a sense of worthwhile accomplish- 
ment in his work. 

Now therefore be it resolved, that it is the opinion of the 
conference that the employers and employes in every factory 
should unite in bringing about the development of committees 
freely elected by the employes (whether as a part of the trade 
union system or otherwise, but not in antagonism to trade 
unionism) for the joint consideration by these committees and 
the employers of such constructive matters as methods of en- 
listing workers' interest, and of improving efficiency of pro- 
duction, which are of mutual value to employers and employes. 




Offered during the First Fortnight of the Industrial Conference 

Labor Proposals 



Resolution offered by the secretary of labor, William W . 
Wilson, October 9, based to a degree upon the working scheme 
of the War Labor Policies Board. 

Resolved, that there shall be created a board of equal 
number of employers and employes in each of the principal 
industries and a board to deal with miscellaneous industries 
not having a separate board. The representatives of labor 
on such boards shall be selected in such manner as the work- 
men in the industry may deterinme. The representatives of 
the employers shall be selected in such manner as the em- 
ployers in the industry may determine. 

Whenever any dispute arises in any plant or series of plants 
that cannot be adjusted locally the question or questions in 
dispute shall be referred to the board created for that industry 
for adjustment. The board shall also take jurisdiction when- 
ever in the judgment of one-half of its members a strike or 
lockout is imminent. Decisions of the board on questions of 
wages, hours of labor, or working conditions must be arrived 
at by unnanimous vote. If the board shall fail to come to a 
unanimous determination of any such question, the question 
in dispute shall be referred to a general board appointed by 
the President of the United States in the following manner: 
One-third of the number to be appointed in agreement with 
the organization or organizations of employers most representa- 
tive of employers; one-third of the number to be appointed in 
agreement with the organization or organizations of labor most 
representative of labor, one-third of the number to be ap- 
pointed by the President direct. 

Any question in dispute submitted to the general board for 
adjudication shall be decided by the unanimous vote of the 
board. If the general board fails to arrive at a decision by 
unanimous vote, the question or questions at issue shall be 
submitted to an umpire for determination. The umpire shall 
be selected by one of the two following processes: First, by 
unanimous selection of the general board. Failing of such 
selection, then the umpire shall be drawn by lot from a 
standing list of twenty persons named by the President of the 
United States as competent umpires in labor disputes. 

In all disputes that may be pending locally, or before the 
industrial board, or before the general board, or before the 
umpire, the employers and employes shall each have the 
right to select counsel of their own choice to represent them 
in presenting the matter in controversy. 
Whenever an agreement is reached loc- 
ally, or by the unanimous vote of the in- 
dustrial board, or by the unanimous vote 
of the general board, or by the decision 
of the umpire, the conclusion arrived at 
shall have all the force and effect of a 
trade agreement which employers and em- 
ployes shall be morally bound to accept 
and abide by. 

It is understood that this plan would 
not interfere with any system of joint 
wage conference now in existence, unless 
or until the failure to agree in such a 
conference made a strike or lockout im- 

S 1 

Plan for Labor Adjustment 

Prepared by W. B. Wilso-n. 

Secretary a( labor. 


General Board 

Resolution offered by Samuel Gompers, president of the 
A. F. of L., with the assent of the labor group of which he is 

Resolved, this conference of representatives of the public, 
of the employers and business men and of labor, called by the 
President of the United States, hereby declares in favor of 
the following: 

1. The light of wage-earners to organize in trade and labor 
unions for the protection and promotion of their rights, inter- 
ests and welfare. 

2. The righ f of wage-earners to bargain collectively through 
trade and labor unions with employers regarding wages, hours 
of labor, and relations and conditons of employment. 

3. The right of wage-earners to be represented by repre- 
sentatives of their own choosing in negotiations and adjust- 
ments with employer in respect to wages, hours of labor, and 
relations and conditions of employment. 

4. The ri^ht of freedom of speech of the press and of assem- 
blage, all bi/'ng responsible for their utterances and actions. 

5. The right of employers to organize into associations or 
groups to bargain collectively through their chosen represen- 
tatives in respect to wages, hours of labor, and relations and 
conditions of emp'oyment. 

6. The hours of labor should not exceed eight hours per 
day. One clay of rest in each week should be observed, 
preferably Sunday. Half-holiday on Saturday should be en- 

Overtime beyond the established hours of labor should be 
discouraged, but when absolutely necessary should be paid 
for at a rate not less than time and one half time. 

7. The right of all wage-earners, skilled and unskilled, to 
a living wage is hereby declared, which minimum wage shall 
insure the workers and their families to live in health and 
comfort in accord with the concepts and standards of Amer- 
ican life. 

8. Women should receive the same pay as men for equal 
work performed. 

Women workers should not be permitted to perform tasks 
disproportionate to their physical strength or which tend to 
impair their potential motherhood and prevent the contin 
uation of a nation of strong, healthy, sturdy and intelligent 
men and women. 

9. The services of children less than six- 
teen years of age for private gain should 
be prohibited. 

10. To secure a greater share of consid- 
eration and cooperation to the workers in 
all matters affecting the industry in which 
they are engaged, to secure and assure 
continuously improved industrial relations 
between employers and workers and to safe- 
guard the rights and principles hereinbe- 
fore declared, as well as to advance con- 
ditions generally, a method should be pro- 
vided for the systematic review of industrial 
relations and conditions by those directly 
concerned in each industry. 


































The Employer's Platform 

Statement of principles which should govern the employment 
relation in industry, as submitted by the employer group to 
the industrial conference. 

SOUND industrial development must have as its foundation 
productive efficiency, and high productive efficiency re- 
quires not only energy, loyalty and intelligence on the 
part of management and men but sincere cooperation in the 
employment relation based upon mutual confidence and 

This is true of all producing industries, large and small, of 
the farming industry as well as the manufacturing. While 
there are differences between the different branches of industry 
which call for special application of the underlying principles, 
these principles are the same in all. 

Without efficiency in production, that is to say, without a 
large product economically produced, there will be no fund 
for the payment of adequate compensation for labor, manage- 
ment and capital, and high cost of living will inevitably con- 
tinue. Moreover, without such efficiency it will be impossible 
for American industry successfully to compete in foreign 
markets or with foreign competition in this country. The 
larger and more effective the production, the greater will be 
the return to all engaged in the industry, and the lower the 
cost of living. 

The requisite efficiency in production can not be secured 
unless there is effective cooperation between employer and 
employe such as is only possible where, with a full understand- 
ing of each other's point of view, management and men meet 
upon a common ground of principle and in a spirit of co- 
operation based upon good understanding and a recognition of 
what is fair and right between the two. Then only can there 
be that harmony which will insure the prosperity of those en- 
gaged in industry and of all the people. 

With full recognition of the vital importance of these condi- 
tions and with due realization of the great responsibility rest- 
ing upon management to secure their practical application in 
industrial affairs, we submit the following which we regard as 
fundamentally sound in the interest of industry, of those em- 
ployed or concerned in industry, and of the people as a whole. 

1. Production. The industrial organization as a productive 
agency is an association of management, capital and labor, vol- 
untarily established for economic production through coopera- 
tive effort. It is the function of management to coordinate 
and direct capital and labor for the joint benefit of all parties 
concerned and in the interest of the consumer and of the com- 
munity. No employment relation can be satisfactory or fulfill 
its functions for the common good, which does not encourage 
and require management and men to recognize a joint as well 
as an individual obligation to improve and increase the quant- 
ity and quality of production to as great an extent as possible, 
consistent with the health and well-being of the workers. 

There should be no intentional restriction of productive ef- 
fort or output by either the employer or the employe to create 
an artificial scarcity of the product or of labor in order to in- 
crease prices or wages; nor should there be any waste of the 
productive capacity of industry through the employment of 
unnecessary labor or inefficient management. 

It is the duty of management on the farms and in industry 
and commerce, as far as possible, to procure the capital neces- 
sary for the increased production that is required, and of both 
management and labor to cooperate to promote the use of 
capital in the most efficient fashion. 

2. The Establishment as a Productive Unit. Recog- 
nizing the cooperative relationship between management and 
men essential to productive efficiency as a pre-requisite for na- 
tional and individual well-being, the establishment rather than 
the industry as a whole or any branch of it should, as far as 
practicable, be considered as the unit of production and of 
mutual interest on the part of the employer and the employe. 
Here by experimentation and adaptation should be worked out 
and set up satisfactory means for cooperative relations in the 
operation of the establishment, with due regard to local factors. 

Each establishment should develop contact and full oppor- 
tunity for interchange of view between men and management 
through individual or collective dealing or a combination of 
both, or by some other effective method, always predicated on 
both sides on honesty of purpose, fairness of attitude and due 
recognition of the joint interest and obligation in the common 
enterprise in which they are engaged. Machinery is not enough 
for this purpose. There must also be sympathy and good will. 

with earnest intent that whatever the means employed they - 
must be effective. 

3. Conditions of Work. It is the duty of management 
to make certain that the conditions under which work is car- 
ried on are as safe and as satisfactory to the workers as the 
nature of the business reasonably permits. Every effort should 
be made to maintain steady employment of the workers both 
on their account and to increase efficiency. Each establish- 
ment should study carefully the causes of unemployment, and 
individually and in cooperation with other establishments in 
the same and other industries should endeavor to determine and 
to maintain conditions and business methods which will result 
in the greatest possible stability in the employment relation. 

4. Wages. While the law of supply and demand must in- 
evitably play a large part in determining the wages in any 
industry or in any establishment at any particular time, other 
conditions must be taken into account, such as the efficiency of 
the worker and the wage standard of the industry in the lo- 
cality. The wage should be so adjusted as to promote the 
maximum incentive consistent with health and well-being and 
the full exercise of individual skill and effort. Moreover, the 
business in each establishment and generally in industry 
should be so conducted that the worker should receive a wage 
sufficient to maintain him and his family at a standard of liv- 
ing that should be satisfactory to a right-minded man in view 
of the prevailing cost of living, which should fairly recognize 
the quantity and quality of his productive effort and the value 
and length of his service, and reflect a participation on his 
part in the prosperity of the enterprise to which he is devoting 
his energy. 

Many plans are now under consideration for adding to the 
fixed wage of the worker such, for example, as bonsus pay- 
ments, profit-sharing and stock ownership. All such plans 
should be carefully studied in each establishment. It may well 
be that in many instances the employer and the employe could 
work out an arrangement of such a character to their mutual 

In order that the worker may in his own and general interest 
develop his full earning capacity and command his maximum 
wage it should be a primary concern of management to assist 
him to secure employment suited to his abilities, to furnish 
him incentive and opportunity for improvement, to provide 
proper safeguards for his health and safety, and to aid him to 
increase the value of his productive effort. 

Where women are deing work equal with that of men under 
the same conditions, they should receive the same rates of pay 
as men and should be accorded the same opportunities for 
training and advancement. 

5. Honrs of Work. Hours of work schedules should be 
fixed at the point consistent with the health of the worker and 
his right to an adequate period of leisure for rest, recreation, 
home life and self-development. To the extent that the work 
schedule is shortened beyond this point the worker as well as 
the community must inevitably pay in the form of a reduced 
standard of living. 

The standard of the work schedule should be the week, vary- 
ing as the peculiar requirements of individual industries may 
demand. Overtime work should, as far as possible, be avoided, 
and one day of rest in seven should be provided. 

6. Settlement of Disputes. Each establishment should 
provide adequate means for the discussion of all questions and 
the just and prompt settlement of all disputes that arise be- 
tween management and men in the course of industrial opera- 
tion, but there should be no improper limitation or impair- 
ment of the exercise by management of its essential function 
of judgment and direction. 

7. Right to Associate. All men have the right to asso- 
ciate voluntarily for the accomplishment of lawful purposes by 
lawful means. The association of men, whether of employers, 
employes or others, for collective action or dealing confers no 
authority and involves no right of compulsion over those who 
do not desire to act or deal with them as an association. The 
arbitrary use of such collective power to coerce or control 
others without their consent is an infringement of personal 
liberty and a menace to the institutions of a free people. 

8. Responsibility of Associations. The public safety 
requires that there shall be no exercise of power without cor- 
responding responsibility. Every association, whether of em- 
ployers or employes, must be equally subject to public auth- 
ority and legally answerable for its own conduct or that of its 



9. Freedom of Contract. With the right to associate 
recognized, the fundamental principle of individual freedom 
demands that every person must be free to engage in any law- 
ful occupation or enter into any lawful contract as an em- 
ployer or an employe, and be secure in the continuity and 
rewards of his effort. The only qualification to which such 
liberty of contract is subject lies in the power of the state, 
within limits imposed by the Constitution, to regulate in the 
public interest, for example, for the promotion of health, safety 
and morals. 

10. The Open Shop. The principles of individual liberty 
and freedom of contract upon which our institutions are fun- 
damentally based require that there should be no interference 
with the "open shop," that is, the shop in which membership 
or non-membership in any association is not made a condition 
of employment. While fair argument and persuasion are per- 
missable, coercive methods aimed at turning the "open shop" 
into a "closed union" or "closed non-union shop," should not 
be tolerated. 

There should be no denial of the right of an employer and 
his workers voluntarily to agree that their relation shall be 
that of the "closed union shop" or of the "closed non-union 
shop." But the right of the employer and his men to con- 
tinue their relations on the principle of "open shop" should 
not be denied or questioned. No employer should be required 
to deal with men or groups of men who are not his employes 
or chosen by and from among them. 

Under the organization of the "open shop" there is not the 
same opportunity for outside interference on the part of other 
interests to prevent close and harmonious relations between 
employer and employe. Their efforts to continue or secure 
such harmonious relationship are not complicated to the same 
extent by intervention of an outside interest which may have 
aspirations and plans of its own to promote, which are not 
necessarily consistent with good relations in the shop. 

11. The Right to Strike or Lockout. In the statement 
of the principle that should govern as to the right to strike or 
lockout, a sharp distinction should be drawn between the em- 
ployment relations in the field (a) of the private industry; 
(b) of the public utility service; and (c) of government em- 
ployment, federal, state or muncipal. In all three there are 
common rights and obligations but, insofar as the right to 
strike or lockout is concerned, the nature of the government 
service and public utility operations requires that they should 
be considered from a somewhat different point of view than 
private industry. 

In private industry the strike or the lockout is to be de- 
plored; but the right to strike or lockout should not be denied 

as an ultimate resort after all possible means of adjustment 
have been exhausted. Both employers and employes should 
recognize the seriousness of such action and should be held to 
a high responsibility for the same. The statement that the 
right to strike or lockout should not be denied does not cover 
the matter of the sympathetic strike or lockout, where for mere 
purposes of coercion there is a combination deliberately in- 
flicting injury upon parties against whom the assailants have 
no grievance for the purpose of accomplishing an ulterior re- 
sult. The sympathetic strike is indefensible, anti-social and 
immoral. The same may be said of the blacklist, the boycott, 
and also of the sympathetic lockout. 

In public utility service the public interest and welfare must 
be the paramount and controlling consideration. Modern so- 
cial life demands the uninterrupted and unimpaired operation 
of such service, upon which individuals and communities are 
as depended as is human life on the uninterrupted circulation 
of the blood. The state should, therefore, impose such regu- 
lations as will assure continuous operation, at the same time 
providing adequate means for the prompt hearing and adjust- 
ment of complaints and disputes. 

In government employment the orderly and continuous ad- 
ministration of governmental activities is imperative. A strike 
of government employes is an attempt to prevent the operation 
of government until the demands of such employes are granted, 
and cannot be tolerated. No public servant can obey two 
masters; he cannot divide his allegiance between the govern- 
ment which he serves and a private organization which, under 
any circumstances, might obligate him to suspend his duties, 
or agrees to assist him morally or financially if he does. Social 
self-defense demands that no combination to prevent the opera- 
tion of government be permitted. Trie right of government em- 
ployes to be heard and to secure just redress should be amply 

12. Training. Practical plans should be inaugurated in 
industry and outside of it for the training and upgrading of 
industrial workers, their proper placement in industry, the 
adoption and adaptation of apprenticeship systems; the ex 
tension of vocational education and such other adjustments ol 
our educational system to the needs of industry as will prepare 
the worker for more effective and profitable service to society 
and to himself. 

The foregoing is limited to a statement of principles. Only 
casual reference has been made to methods by which such 
principles may be carried into effect. The problems are so 
serious and difficult that such methods must be worked out by 
the individual establishments in conjunction with their em- 
ployes and by industry as a who! ;. 



Resolution offered by Henry S. Dennison on October 9, with 
the assent of the Public Group. 

Resolved, whereas security of livelihood to the wage-earner 
is essential to a sound social program, and 

Whereas the worker is not in a position either himself to 
insure his livelihood against times of unemployment, or to 
demand from his employer such insurance, and 

Whereas the cast of such unemployment is borne by the 
whole community either directly or by a lowered vitality 
of its working people, and 

Whereas state provision of such insurance will be cumber- 
some and rigid. 

Now, therefore, be it. resolved, that it is the opinion of this 
conference that each employer, jointly with his employes should 
provide for an alleviation of the burden placed upon his em- 
ployes during periods or seasons of unemployment, and should 
endeavor to reduce the cost of these measures through render- 
ing employment as stable as possible. 


Resolution introduced October 16 by Gertrude Barnum ni:h 
the assent of the Public Group. 

Whereas, it was demonstrated during the war that a National 
Employment Service tended toward the wise distribution and 
stabilization of labor and resultant increased production, and 

Whereas, permanent employment exchanges under govern- 
ment supervision in the principal European countries have 
proved of great value to their whole peoples, and 

Whereas, there are now before our Congress bills to extend 
and perpetuate a National Employment Bureau, 

Therefore, Be It Resolved, that this conference urge upon 
Congress to immediately consider these bills to establish a 
permanent National Employment Agency in this country. 


Resolution introduced October 16 by Miss Wald, Mr Endl- 
cott and Mr. Feiss, with the assent of the Public Group. 

Whereas, it is the sense of the conference that the establish- 
ment by the federal government of an equitable and scientific 
system providing for the ready and periodical adjustment cf 
standards of pay of all federal civil service employes, based on 
the changes in the cost of living and other circumstances, will 
furnish an example by which employers generally will desire 
to be guided, and 

Whereas, the existing salary grades of a large percentage 
of federal civil service employes have undergone no substantial 
revision during the past six years, and 

Whereas, the low salaries now prevailing in many branches 
of the government service are evidence that the equitable ad- 
justments necessary to provide incomes in proportion to the 
prevailing cosi of living have not been made, 

Be it Resolved, that the conference recommend to Congress 

that it provide for the establishment of a system which shall 

be based upon scientific principles and which shall supply a 

ready and equitable means for adjusting the standards ot pay 

[Continued on Page 45] 




HP HROUGHOUT October, the mailing 
•*■ schedule of the Survey has been 
broken by the strike and lockout in the 
pressrooms and the "vacationing" en 
masse of the compositors in the New 
York job printing trade. In common 
with practically all the periodicals pub- 
lished in New York, the Survey has 
suffered while the employers and the na- 
tional labor officials have been at logger- 
heads with the New York labor unions. 
Our October Reconstruction Number 
(October 4) was cut in two, printed 
from zinc etchings made of entire pages, 
and mailed on October 20. The issues 
for October 11 and 18 were skipped. 
In view of the importance of the indus- 
trial conference at Washington we have 
brought out this half-sized number (Oc- 
tober 25) at double expense, at a 
New Jersey union printing plant, thus 
enabling us to put in the hands of Sur- 
vey readers the texts of the more im- 
portant resolutions reported out from 
committees during the first fortnight of 
the conference. 

College and short-term subscriptions 
to the Survey will be extended for as 
many weeks as have been missed, or if 
courses are so far advanced as to make 
the broken series unavoidable as text, 
money will be refunded. 

With respect to general subscribers, 
three courses are open: 

(a) That adopted by one weekly 
which has never missed an issue in two 
or three generations: to collate mate- 
rial from week to week and, as soon as 
the situation lifts, send the released 
numbers in rapid fire order to subscrib- 
ers. The Survey is not employing this 

(b) More generally adopted: To 
carry forward for a corresponding pe- 
riod of weeks the subscription terms of 
all subscribers. Any Survey reader 
who feels that unless this is done he will 
not be getting his money's worth, should 
send us his name and we will gladly set 
over his subscription record. 

(c) The Survey has decided on a 
third course. We believe we are en- 
gaged in rendering service rather than 
marketing particular issues. The two 
October numbers printed will cost well 
towards as much as the four regular is- 
sues would have cost. The new print- 
ing costs growing out of the strike will 
he a handicap throughout the year at our 
modest $4 rate. If there is any margin 
left from our October budget, it will 
enable us for the first time in years to 

lllllllllllilllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllii.liillLliliLilwhiiliiiil'^kil 'ill JilMHiM 


Reg-. Trade-Mark 

THIS is an opportune time to 
lay in a supply of Pure Linen 
Handkerchiefs at McCutcheon's. 
To buy Handkerchiefs now at Mc- 
Cutcheon prices, whether purchased 
for personal use or in anticipation of gift occasions, 
is to practice true thrift. 

Order Embroidering Now 

It is particularly desirable that Handkerchiefs, as 
well as Table Linens, which are to be embroidered 
with initials or monograms for Christmas, should 
be ordered before November 15th. This will allow 
us time to execute the work in the best possible 
manner, as well as insure you against disappoint- 
ment in delivery. 

Send for the new 32-page Fall and Winter 
Catalog. Mailed free on request. 

James McCutcheon & Co. 

The Greatest Treasure House of Linens in America 

Fifth Avenue, 34th and 33d Sts., N. Y. 

carry our weekly thirty-two page unit 
into next summer without cutting; and 
may enable us, also, from time to time 
to bring out opportune material of dis- 
tinctive value — such as this present 

This, it seems to us, is a much more 
real service than to print out-of-date 
news or to cripple Survey Associates 
financially throughout the new publish- 
ing year, by post-dating subscriptions 
while our overhead goes on. For print- 
ing costs and published pages are, of 
course, only half the story. 

The Survey staff has employed the 
breathing spell occasioned by the strike 
in blocking out work and in field in- 
quiries which will count for much in 
succeeding months, enriching issues and 
getting under the surface of situations. 

Two members of the staff have, for 
example, spent from one to two weeks 
in the Pittsburgh steel district and their 
findings will be brought out at the first 

A review of the printers' strike will 
be published at a later date. 

The Editor. 




THE earliest effort to promote a 
state-wide program for meeting the 
post-war labor situation was started by 
the New Jersey State Chamber of Com- 
merce about a year ago. Becoming in- 
terested in the shop committee move- 
ment as then developing in such repre- 
sentative plants in the state as the Stand- 
ard Oil Co. of N. J., the General Elec- 
tric Co., the Hercules Powder Co. and 
others, the chamber engaged H. F. J. 
Porter, industrial engineer, to formulate 
a plan of study. Mr. Porter instituted 
a pioneer shop committee in this country 
in a Westinghouse plant in Pittsburgh in 

1903. Conferences were called, invi- 
tations being extended to all the plants, 
more than one hundred in number, scat- 
tered over the country, which had a- 
dopled the shop committee system, to 
send representatives of employers and 
employes to relate their experiences. 
The first conference held was attended 
by representatives of these two elements 
from such varied interests as the Color- 
ado Fuel and Iron Co., the Standard 
Oil Co., of N. J. the Hercules Powder 
Co., the General Electric Co., the Bethle- 
hem Steel Co., the Midvale Steel Co., 
Sidney Blumenthal & Co., (Shelton 
looms), B. Edmund David (silk mills), 


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the Demuth Co. (pipe manufacturers. 
Morse Dry Dock and Repair Co., Prinlz- 
Biederman Co. (clothes), William Fi- 
lene's Sons Company (department 
store). Later conferences extend- 
ing through the winter and spring 
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the War Labor Board, the Depart- 
ment of Labor, political and social 
science organizations, trade unions, etc. 

At a meeting called by the chamber on 
September 17 last, a comprehensive re- 
port on shop committees held: 

It is clearly recognized that cooperation 
is the only effective means for the advance- 
ment of a better relationship between em- 
ployers and workers in justice to the entire 
community. The right of the workers to be 
represented by whomsoever they trust is c«i- 
ceded, while the question of open or closed 
shop is left to be considered on the merits 
of each individual case. Shop committees 
are favored only in combination with exist- 
ing organizations and the logical form of 
representative government in industry through 
a joint industrial council is advocated. 

A proposal was made by Governor 
Runyon and endorsed by Arthur A. 
Quinn, president of the New Jersey 
State Federation of Labor, that a joint 
industrial council as recommended by 
the Bureau of State Research be estab- 
lished, and this was adopted and is 
now being put into effect. The council 
will be composed of fifteen members: 
five representatives of the business in- 
terests of the state — four of these to 
be appointed by the Manufacturers 
Association of New Jersey, and one by 
the State Board of Agriculture; five 
representative of the workers, to be 
selected by the state federation of la- 
bor — one of these to be either its presi- 
dent or its secretary; five representa- 
tives of the general public, as follows: 
the state commissioner of labor, an ap- 
pointee of the governor "who shall be 
especially familiar with industrial prob- 
lems," one from the New Jersey League 
of Municipalities, one from the state 
chamber of commerce, one to be elected 
jointly by the business and workers' rep- 
resentatives. The council will meet 
monthly or more often and will "dis- 
cuss current industrial events, gather in- 
formation, make investigations and issue 
recommendations to its respective con- 
stituencies; and, whenever called upon, 
arbitrate on industrial controversies." 
Each of the three groups will have 
its own chairman and secretary and may 
meet as a separate committee. The ex- 
penses of the council are to be shared 
by the parties to it. This plan can 
be amended upon affirmative vote of 
three-fourths of the council and remains 
in effect until one of the three parties, 
upon thirty days notice, withdraws. The 
council is now in process of being or- 





Selected from 

Fall List 



The views of Lloyd George, Bonar 
Law, General Smuts, Margaret Mac- 
millan and thirty-seven other repre- 
sentative English men and women on 
State Control. These views arrived at 
through a series of questions as to 
what limit should be put on State 
Control and what the future outlook 
is, are of vital importance to Ameri- 
cans since our labor problems are 
rapidly becoming similar to those of 
Great Britain. Xet $4.50. 

RACE and 


The author examines the current 
views of national character, proves 
the fallacy of accepting race as a 
basis, and suggests a practical basic 
principle which explains nationality 
as the common interests of a people 
developed through generations into a 
characteristic traditional culture. 
Net $4.00. 



How Uncle Sam drafted, equipped, 
trained and used his army of three 
million men, with authoritative facts 
not generally understood concerning 
the working of our huge war machine. 
A splendid book for boys. Net $1.50. 



The facts every boy wants today 
about the airplane — its history, con- 
struction and uses, with full direc- 
tions for making a boy-carrying 
glider. Fully illustrated. Net $1.50. 
For a full description of our new 
books write for our free 32-page il- 
lustrated catalog, mentioning this ad- 

Publishers New York 


[Continued from Page 42] 
of individuals and groups employed in the fed- 
eral civil service, as changing circumstances 
may from time to time require. Such a sys- 
tem should be so flexible as to provide due 
consideration and ample recompense for merit 
and faithful service. 


Resolution introduced October 16 by Lillian 
D. Wald with the assent of the Public Group. 

Whereas, child labor in the United States is 
an element unfavorable to settled industrial 
progress ; 

1. Because it is a low wage competition 
with adult labor; 

2. Because it compels inadequate educa- 
tion and training for adult life, tending in turn 
to discontent and irresponsibility: 

Be it therefore Resolved, that the minimum 
standards of age, and educational and physical 
development should be established by law. 

conforming to the standards recommended by 
the United States Children's Bureau Confer- 
ences of 1919, vi. 

Resolved, that child labor should be elim- 
inated as a factor in American industry. 

The proper occupation for a child is prepara- 
tion for an intelligent self-supporting life. 
His time and energies, whether in school, at 
work or at play, should be conserved by the 
state to this end. Minimum standards of age 
and educational and physical development 
should be established by law in every state to 
safeguard children against exploitation and 

Resolved, that we recommend the establish- 
ment of the following standards as a mini- 
mum below which no section of this country 
should be allowed to fall; 

1. Age. An age minimum of 16 for em- 
ployment in any occupation including agricul- 
ture and domestic service when schools are in 
session, and of further restrictions in occupa- 
tions offering unusual or excessive hazards, 
e. g., mines, quarries, night messenger service. 

2. Education. Full time schooling for at 
least nine months each year for all children 
between 7 and 16 years of age, and part-time- 
schooling up to 18 years. 

3. Physical standards. A certificate of 
physical fitness issued by qualified physician 
should precede every issuance of a working 
certificate, and such supervision of the health 
and development of working children should 
be provided as is necessary to ensure a vigor- 
ous adult working life. 

Resolved, that the maximum working day 
for miners should in no case exceed eight 
hours; that hours spent in continuation school 
by children under 18 should be regarded as 
part of the working day, and that all night 
work for minors should be prohibited; that a 
minimum wage not less than the cost of de- 
cent and healthful living should be establish- 
ed, and that the public should make provision 
for vocational guidance and for advising chil- 
dren who leave school regarding suitable em- 
ployment, and should supervise their occupa- 
tions during their early working years. 


Resolution introduced October 16 by Ida M. 
Tarbell with the assent of the Public Group. 

Whereas, the protection of the health of 
women workers is as vital to the economic as 
to the social welfare of the nation. 

Now, therefore, be it Resolved, that this 
conference recommend the following policies 
and standards issued and advocated by the 
Women's Bureau, U. S. Department of Labor. 
They were endorsed by employers of labor, 
Chambers of Commerce, and the organized 
working women as the best standards for the 
employment of women in industry from the 
standpoint of health and efficiency: 
1 — Hours of Labor 

1. Daily Hours. No woman shall be em- 
ployed or permitted to work more than eight 
hours in any one day. 

2. Half Holiday on Saturday. The half holi- 
day on Saturday should be the custom. 

3. One Day of Rest in Seven. Every woman 
worker shall have one day of rest in every 
seven days. 

4. Night Work. No woman shall be em- 
ployed between the hours of 10 p. m. and 

6 A. M. 

II — Wages 

1. The Basis of Determination of Wages. 
Wages should be established on the basis of 
occupation and not on the basis of sex. The 
minimum wage rate should cover the cost of 
living for dependents and not merely for the 

Ill — Working Conditions 

1. Prohibited Occupations. Women must 
not be employed in occupations involving the 

Bausch and Lomb Balopticon 

Education through the eye. 

Which "gets" a thought 
"across"' faster— word or pic- 

Why are "movies" quick- 
er educators than books? 

Why are "illustrated" 
tlks better attended that) all- 
words lectures? 

Visual education- 
education through 
Hausch&Lomb Hal- 
opticons, particular- 
ly is recognized now as 
the quickest means for 
making people under- 

Combined Ijalopticon- For Dio Vt pictures bring 

Lantern Slides and Opaque the war to us faster, more 
Objects. Price, $150 vividly, than words? 

And as for the quality of Balopticon pictures— Bal 
opticons are Bausch & Lomb products. That guaran 
tees the quality of the pictures. 

Bausch & Lomb, Optical Co. 


N- w York Chicago^ Washington San Francisco 

Leading American Makers of Photographic Lenses, 
Microscopes, Projection Apparatus, (BalopticonsJ, 
Ophthalmic Lenses and Instruments, Photomicrographic 
Apparatus, Range Finders and Gun Sights for A my 
and Navy, Searchlight Reflectors, Stereo-Prism Binoc- 
ulars, Magnifiers and Other High-Grade Optical 

Did You Ever See a BLIND BIBLE? 

We have Bibles for the 
blind, also in 53 languages. 
Some immigrant, soldier, 
sailor, or poor person is 
waiting for a Bible. Will 
you supply it ? 
Send your donation to-day. 

Every kind of Bible for sale: Scofield. 
Oxford, Bagster, Cambridge, Holman, 
Nelson, at Special Discounts. 


Universal Bible Sunday Dec. 7. 
Endorsed by official bodies of 

nearly all Churches. Free literature. 


675 Madison Ave. (110th year) New York. 

"A vivid narrativeiof 

mighty reactions" 



The author calls it "A scrap-book for in- 
surgents." Dr. Jenkins, Kansas City's 
leading minister and editor of the Kansas 
City Post, believes in the church, but he 
flames with wrath at the hypocrisy and 
weakness of conventional church life. He 
demands a new leadership to bring the 
church out from the autocracy of Protes- 
tantism into the freedom of the new day. 
$1.35, plus 10 cents postage. 


712 East 40th Street CHICAGO, ILL. 

An intensive two weeks' course in 

Boston, October 14-28, 1919. Open to 
social workers, nurses and others inter- 
ested in the care of underweight and 
malnourished children. Director. Wm. 
R. P. Emerson, M.D. Fee $50.00, in- 
cluding all materials. Limited number 
partial scholarships. 

Address Mabel Skilton, Secretary of 

Nutrition Clinics for Delicate Children, 

44 Dwight Street, Boston 



The Life Story of 

England's Great Pioneer 

in Social Work 

| His Life, Work and Friends | 

With Introduction by Robert A. Woods 

I Review from the Survey 1 

"This can hardly fail to take its place among the great biographies. It g 

1 sets forth in the story of one life-time, the origin and development of nearly g 

1 all the phases of an essentially new branch of civilization. It shows in what 1 

3 unprecedented manner and degree a prolific constructive genius brought forth |§ 

= method and system for meeting, point after point, in representative fashion, m 

3 the more immediately human demands of democracy. . . . Canon Bar- B 

B nett's forty years' work, in all of which his wife had her full, inseparable = 

B share, is recognized in England as constituting one of the most important 3 

I and formative careers of the past generation." 

1 Illustrated 2 vols. $8.00 net | 




in cooperation with 


offers a course in 


consisting of 

Lectures, Discussion 


Investigation with a view to publication under the 
direction of Miss Emma P. Hirth 

Among the lectures will be Dr. Edward Lee Thorndike, 
Dr. A. H. Ryan of Tufts College, Mrs. Jean Hoskins, Dr. 
H. C. Metcalf, Mrs. Anna Martin Crocker, Miss Emily J. 
Hutchinson, Miss Josephine Adams Rathbone. 

"The Most Beautiful Hymnal in the American Church" 


Charles Clayton Morrison and Herbert L. Willett, Editors 

The Hymnal for the New Social Era 

Adapted to all Rvangelical Denominations 

/'■ / a $115 and $142 ttr hundrtd 

Returnable copy sent on request 

The Christian Century Press 712 E. 40th St., Chicago 

A Study of Commercial Recreation 

Pool, Billiards and Bowling as a Phase 

of Commercialized Amusements 


The most complete and suggestive social 
study of this important subject today 

185 Pages Illustrations Price $1.50 net 

1D15 Jefferson Avenue 

Toledo. Ohio 

use of poisons which are proved to be more 
injurious to women than to men, such as cer- 
tain processes in the lead industries. 
IV— Home Work 

No work should be given out to be done in 

rooms used for living or sleeping purposes or 

in rooms directly connected with living or 

sleeping rooms in any dwelling or tenant. 

V — Cooperation of Workers in 

Establishing Standards 

The responsibility should not rest upon the 
management alone in determining wisely and 
effectively the conditions which should be es- 
tablished. The genuine cooperation essential 
to production can be secured only if provision 
is made for the workers as a group, acting 
through their chosen representatives, to share 
in the control of the conditions of their em- 
ployment. In proportion to their numbers 
women should have full representation in the 
organization necessary. 


The Annual Meeting of Survey Associates, 
Inc., will be held on Monday, October 27, 
1919, at 4 P. M. in the Survey offices, 113 
East 19th St., New York City, to elect four 
Directors, whose terms expire, and to trans- 
act such other business as may come before 
the meeting.— ARTHUR P. KELLOGG, Sec'y. 

24, 1912, of the Survey, published weekly at 
New York, N. Y., for October 1, 1919. 

State of New York, County of New York, ss. 
Before me, a Commissioner of Deeds in and 
for the State and county aforesaid, personally 
appeared Arthur P. Kellogg, who, having been 
duly sworn according to law, deposes and says 
that he is the Secretary of Survey Associates, 
Inc., publishers of the Survey, and that the 
following is, to the best of his knowledge 
and belief, a true statement of the ownership, 
management (and if a daily paper, the circu- 
lation), etc., of the aforesaid publication for 
the date shown in the above caption, required 
by the Act of August 24, 1912, embodied in 
section 443, Postal Laws and Regulations, 
printed on the reverse of this form, to wit: 

1. That the names and addresses of the 
publisher, editor, managing editor, and busi- 
ness managers are: Publisher, Survey Asso- 
ciates, Inc., 112 East 19th St. New York, N. Y. ; 
editor, Paul U. Kellogg, 112 East 19th St., New 
York, N. Y. ; managing editor, none; business 
managers, none. 

2. That the owners are: (Give names and 
addresses of individual owners, or, if a cor- 
poration, give its name and the names and 
addresses of stockholders owning or holding 

1 per cent or more of the total amount of stock.) 
Survey Associates, Inc., a non-commercial cor- 
poration, under the laws of the state of New 
York, with over 1,200 members. It has no 
stocks or bonds. President, Robert W. de 
Forest, 30 Broad St., New York City; vice- 
president, John M. Glenn, 130 East 22nd St., 
New York City; treasurer, Charles D. Norton, 

2 Wall St., New York City; secretary, Arthur 
P. Kellogg, 112 East 19th St., New York City. 

3. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, 
and other security holders owning or holding 
1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, 
mortgages, or other securities are: (If there are 
none, so state.) None. 

4. That the two paragraphs next above, giv- 
ing the names of the owners, stockholders, and 
security holders, if any, contain not only the 
list of stockholders and security holders as 
they appear upon the books of the company 
but also, in cases where the stockholder or 
security holder appears upon the books of the 
company as trustee or in any other fiduciary 
relation, the name of the person or corpor- 
ation for whom such trustee is acting, is given; 
also that the said two paragraphs contain 
statements embracing affiant's full knowledge 
and belief as to the circumstances and condi- 
tions under which stockholders and security 
holders who do not appear upon the books 
of the company as trustees, hold stock and 
securities in a capacity other than that of a 
bona fide owner; and this affiant has no reason 
to believe that any other person, association, or 
corporation has any interest direct or indirect 
in the said stock, bonds, or other securities 
than as so stated by him. [Signed] Arthur P. 
Kellogg, Secretary, Survey Associates, Inc. 

Sworn to and subscribed before me this 
29th day of September, 1919. [Seal] Martha 
Hohmann, Commissioner of Deeds, City of New 
York. Residing in New York County, register 
No. 20052. My commission expires Apr. 2S, 1920. 




By H. M. HYNDMAN Author of "Clemenceau: The Man and His Time, -etc. 

This book is the outcome of forty-five years of study and intimate knowledge of the 
Far East — a permanent book but also an extremely timely one for those interested in Shan- 
tung and other questions of present interest. 

"This is the language of a prophet — stern, denunciatory, the embodiment of a flaming 
spirit of righteousness. The same downright vigor and interest characterize all of the 
opinions of the Far East expressed by this eminent Englishman. The reader is conscious 
of being in the presence of a man whose mind is cleared of cant." — Spring- 
field Republican. $2.00 




We doubt if one intelli- 
gent person in ten could cor- 
rectly define Socialism, De- 
mocracy, Syndicalism. Direct 
Action, Anarchy, o: anything 
else that today fires wide- 
awake imaginations. The 
Survey says : 

"With such an excellent 
hand-book as 'Americanized 
Socialism' to guide him, even 
the moderately intelligent 
and very busy American has 
no excuse for the absolute 
lack of distinction between 
Socialism, I. W. W.-ism, Bol- 
shevism, Syndicalism, etc., 
that marks his mental infer- 
iority to the moderately in- 
telligent and equally busy 
European." $1.25 



WHEN the leading progressive publishing house of 
France wanted a book about the new America they 
commissioned Waldo Frank to write it. 
We believe that no such all-embracing and magnificent 
attempt to interpret the development of a nation and its 
people has hitherto been made— not by Lytton Strachey in 
his "Eminent Victorians," nor by Taine, in his "English 
Literature" — comparisons which only suggest. 

OUR AMERICA shows the need of the new generation 
to erect new social, spiritual structures — laying bare as it 
does the decadent motives of our materialistic pioneers. 
Here is a book of our America, alive, articulate, stepping 
over barren New England hills, walking barefoot and un- 
ashamed through the Mississippi Valley, leaning over the 
rim of western mountains and looking into the streets of 
Los Angeles and San Francisco. 


Arthur Henderson and other members of the British Labor Party, defeated for re-election 
immediately after the armistice, have been triumphantly returned to Parliament. British 
Labor almost paralyzed the transportation systems of England. American Labor is demand- 
ing the adoption of the Plumb Plan and "walking out" in portentous numbers in steel mills, 
ship yards, etc., etc. Strike! Strike! Strike! is the stereotyped newspaper headline of today. 
Every employer of labor, every social worker, every labor union official, every intelligent 
person, must be interested in the gigantic labor problems the world is now trying to solve. 

vey) and ARTHUR GLEASON, interprets conditions not only in England but in their applica- 
tion to America, in a sounder, more illuminating way than any five other books on the 
labor subject. BRITISH LABOR AND THE WAR is a book that should be bought today and 
read today, and read again in six months from now. It will be as timely and important then. 
It is strongly endorsed by such American and English publications as The New Republic, The 
Survey, The New York Evening Post, the Washington Star, The New Statesman, and J he 
Manchester Guardian. (Large 12 mo, valuable appendices, and comprehensive index) $2.50 


His Authorized 
Life aDcl Letters 
from Woodstock 
Prison to Atlanta 


Here are Debs' own words 
spoken to Karsner in Atlanta 
Prison: "You will write just 
the kind of book that time 
and history will require and 
in every line, in every page, 
you will be speaking for 
me with my authority given 
to you without reservations 
or qualifications." The book 
is replete with incident and 
anecdote, humor and human- 
ity. It can hardly fail to 
take its place with the great 
biographies and memoirs of 
the last few generations. 

1 01 VJESL4G™ <jti 

NOTE— You will find our newly issued complete catalog of real interest. In addition to our general list, all titles in 
The Modern Library are alphabetically indexed according to authors, together with interesting biographical data. 



Classified Advertisements 

Advertising rates are: Hotels and Resorts, Apart- 
ments, Tours and Travels, Real Estate, twenty cents 
per agate line; fourteen lines to the inch. 

"Want" advertisements under the various headings 
"Situations Wanted," "Workers Wanted," etc., five 
cents each word or initial, including the address or 
box number, for each insertion. Minimum charge 
$1.00. Address Advertising Department, The Survey, 
112 East 19th Street, New York City. 


WANTED: Fifty Public Health Nurses for 
positions in the Middle West Have several 
vacancies for school and infant welfare nurses. 
Apply to the Bureau of Intelligence of the 
Chicago Tuberculosis Institute, 8 S. Dearborn 
Street, Chicago, 111. 

WANTED: Physician with one year's gen- 
eral hospital experience, as resident in Sana- 
torium of Pulmonary and Chronic medicine; 
salary $100 monthly and full maintenance. 
Excellent opportunity for advancement. Ad- 
dress Medical Director, Jewish Home for 
Chronic Inv alids, Anglum, Mo. 

service depart ment, men only. Ability to take 
charge of statistics essential. Independent ex- 
ecutive and field investigative work. Location, 
Albany. Salary, $1600 to start, with increase 
to $1800 in six months if successful. Address 
3302 Survey. ■ 

WANTED: A social worker for Italian set- 
tlement in Rochester, New York. Apply to 
Miss Cozzens, 36 Andubon Street, Rochester. 

TEACHER: Cottage mother wanted for 
small orphanage. Congenial surroundings for 
right person. Apply, B'nai B'rith Orphanage, 
Fairview. Erie Co., Pa. 

write fully about yourself, including work at 
least past five years; salary expected. Hebrew 
Orphans Home, 12th Street and Green Lane, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

WANTED: In small city near Philadelphia, 
family visitor with training and good case work 
experience. Address 3307 Survey. 

WANTED: Experienced men 25 to 40 years 
old, to do probation work with children. Give 
full particulars, age, experience, etc. Address 
3309 Survey. 

WANTED: Trained Case Worker for es- 
tablished organization in city four hours from 
New York. Apply, stating age, experience and 
salary desired. Address 3316 Survey. 

WANTED : experienced woman to do pro- 
bation work with children. Give full partic- 
ulars, age, experience, etc. Address 3308 Sur- 


faithfully delivered your Survey for some 
time past, but is now outgrown. Survey, 112 
East 19th Stre e t, New York. 

of foot and hand Graphotypes, foot and power 
addressographs, plate holders and cabinets. 
Address 3298 Survey. 


WOMEN of education with six months' ex- 
perience in war factory, wants social welfare 
work. Address S. S. Dey, Pelham Manor, N. 
Y. Tel. 1616-R Pelham." 

YOUNG LADY, executive ability, 5 years' 
experience Bookkeeper, Typist, Correspondent 
— six months' college training, seeks position 
with Philanthropic or Business organization. 
S. 78 Perry Street, New York City. 

SOCIAL and Welfare Worker (woman) ex- 
perienced college graduate, desires position in 
executive or organizing capacity. Address 
3305 Survey. 

POSITION WANTED by young man (mar- 
ried) experienced for past five years in Jewish 
Educational and Philanthropic work. At pres- 
ent assistant superintendent in large mid- 
western city. Executive position sought. Ad- 
dress 3270 Survey. 

tion in an Institution or private family, New 
York or vicinity. Experienced. Satisfactory 
references. Address 3310 Survey. 

AVAILABLE NOVEMBER 1— man, experi- 
enced in case work, employment, settlement, 
community organization and research. Ad- 
dress 3311 Survey. 

WANTED: Executive position in Children's 
Home or Industrial School by educated, train- 
ed woman of long experience. Address 3313 

COLLEGE GRADUATE with major train- 
ing in social science and with experience 
in C. O. S. work seeks position with family 
welfare organization in Middle West. Address 
3314 Survey. 

NOW AVAILABLE, social worker exper- 
ienced in settlement, playground and girls' 
organization work. Expert in group recrea- 
tion. Address 3315 Survey. 

in the field, now engaged in war work, desires 
permanent opening where thorough training, 
both intellectual and practical, and experience 
gained in meeting difficult situations are need- 
ed. Address 3317 Survey. 

YOUNG MAN, training in law, experienced 
community worker, seeks connection with 
Jewish community center or law work with 
social agency. Out of town position con- 
sidered. Address 3318 Survey. 

WANTED: Position as Matron or Assistant 
in a Home for Elderly People or in Social 
Service work. Address 3319 Survey. 

YOUNG WOMAN 35 years old, desires po- 
sition. Experience in vocational and place- 
ment work, industrial investigations and sur- 
veys. Charity organization and Children's 
agency. Much of work has been in super- 
visory and executive capacity. Available De- 
cember 1. 3320 Survey. 

WOMAN EXECUTIVE. Fifteen years ex- 
perience, child welfare. C. O. S. medical social 
service. At liberty November 1. Address 
3321 Survey. 

WANTED Editorial or teaching position. 
Woman educational specialist, religious and 
general. Executive experience. Address 3322 

YOUNG WOMAN desires position as pro- 
bation officer in a Juvenile Court. Graduate 
of the school of Social Work of Richmond, 
Virginia. Two years training, specializing 
the second year in Juvenile Court work. Ad- 
dress 3323 Survey. 


Fifty cents a line per month, four weekly inser- 
tions; copy unchanged throughout the month. 

Mental Hygiene; quarterly; $2 a year; pub- 
lished by The National Committee for Mental 
Hygiene, 50 Union Square, New York. 

Public Health Nurse; monthly; $2 a year; 
published by the National Organization for 
Public Health Nursing, 156 Fifth Ave., New 

Hospital Social Service Quarterly; $1.50 a 
year: published by Hospital Social Service 
Association, 405 Lexington Ave., New York. 


Listings fifty cents a line, four weekly inser- 
tions; copy unchanged throughout the month. 
Order pamphlets from publishers. 

Transactions of the First National Co- 
operative Convention. 300 pp. $1.00. Pub- 
lished by the Cooperative League of America, 
2 West 13th St., New York. 

Immigration literature distributed by Na- 
tional Liberal Immigration League, P. O. Box 
1261, New York. Arguments free on request. 

You Should Know About Credit Unions. 
A manual furnished gratis upon request. Mas- 
sachusetts Credit Union Association, 78 Devon- 
shire St., Boston. 

Chicago Standard Budget for Dependent 
Families.. 39 pp., 25 cents. Published by 
the Chicago Council of Social Agencies, 17 
North State Street, Chicago, 111. 

One Hundred Years of Work With Girls 
in Boston. An interesting historical survey 
(shot through and through with old Boston 
color) of the work done by the Boston So- 
ciety for the Care of Girls, formerly the 
Boston Female Asylum. Written and pub- 
lished by Mary Caroline Crawford, Social 
Service Advertising, Ford Building, Boston, 
Mass. Sent free upon application to Miss 
Mabelle B. Blake, 184 Boylston Street, Bos- 

The Selection of Foster Homes for Chil- 
dren. Principles and methods followed by the 
Boston Children's Aid Society, with illustra- 
tive cases. By Mary S. Doran and Bertha 
C. Reynolds. New York School of Social 
Work, 105 East 22nd Street, New York. Price 
35 cents. 

Lynchincs A National Menace. The 
White South's Protest Against Lynching. By 
James E. Gregg. Reprinted from the South- 
ern Workman. From Hampton Institute. 
Hampton, Va. 

India in Revolt! and The Tragedy of In- 
dia. Both pamphlets by Ed. Gammons. Free 
on application to Hindustan Gadar Party, 5 
Wood St., San Francisco, Cal. 

Houses or Homes. First Report of the 
Cincinnati Better Housing League, Ohio. 

The Moral Decay of the Modern Stace. 
By William Burgess. An address delivered at 
the National Conference of Social Workers. 
The Illinois Vigilance Association. 5 N. La 
Salle St., Chicago. Send 4 cents stamps. 

The Importance of a Philosophy dealing 
with the Relations of the Negroes and Whites 
in this Country. By Bolton Smith. From 
Author, Memphis, Tenn. 

Yes, But — Booklet answering popularly 
heard objections to Birth Control. Sample 
Free. 20 copies for $1.00. Voluntary Parent- 
hood League, 206 Broadway, New York City. 

Our Immigration and Naturalization 
Laws. National Committee for Constructive 
Immigration Legislation, 105 East 22nd St., 
New York City. 

Three Plays for Boys. By Frederic L. 
Fay and M. A. Emerson. Association Press, 
347 Madison Ave., New York City. 

Motion Picture Films. 650 travel-scenic, 
nature, science. National Board of Review, 70 
Fifth Avenue, New York City. Price 15 cents. 

Principles of Progress and Methods of 
Improvement. By John J. Klein. Especially 
interesting and helpful to Social Workers, Lib- 
erals, Progressives, and other forward-looking 
and upward-striving people. Send 33 cents for 
copy, postpaid. Life and Service Bureau, Box 
54, Jamestown, N. Y. 

The Steel Strike 


November 8, 1919 
Price 25 Cents 

Number for November 


I o 







ii|i||!llllll!llllll!llll!illilllllillllllUlllllllllli:!lilllllll!ll!!lllllll!l!!lllllllllllillilllllllllll IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHIIIII Willi!! 



! Vicente Blasgo Ibanez! 

In the greatest days of the war, when the conflict was still at its height and Europe was writhing in 
an agony, the like of which let us hope, she may never know again, there came forth a prophet with 
a message of such nobility, of such spiritual magnificence, the world perforce had to lift its bleeding 
head to listen. It was a light and an inspiration; it was a revelation of meanings that we had sought 
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|j Industrial Service || 
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A Unique Service for Industrial Executive | 

Prompt, terse accurate reports of Labor Events 
in the United States and other Countries. 

The First Service of the Kind in the World 



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dustrial plants, aimed to increase production, reduce 
costs and improve industrial relations. 
Our position in our field warrants your consideration. 

Industrial Engineers 

6 East 39th Street New York, N. Y. 

Watch Your 

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days, but you must go after them. Indecision is 
a handicap. Get the facts and get busy. Babson's 
Reports supply all the reliable business data such 
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Contents for November 8, 1919 

Volume XLIII, Number 3 
The Steel Strike 

The Closed Shop John A. Fitch 

An Interpretation of the Industrial Issues 
of the Strike. 

Judge Gary on the Closed Shop 57 

Closed Towns S. Adele Shaw 

Intimidation as it is Practised in the Pitts- 
burgh Steel District — The Contrast in Ohio. 

At Gary Graham Taylor 

Some Impressions and Interviews. 

How the Steel Strike Was Organized 

David J. Saposs 

An Exhibit of the New Labor Technique. 


c s 



California's Labor Camps Christina Krysto 70 

The War and Children Homer Folks 79 

Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. 




WORKSHOP COMMITTEES. Suggested lines of development 
of workers' shop organizations, management questions and types 
of organization. By C. G. Renold. Reprinted from the SURVEY 
for October 5, 1918. SHOP COMMITTEES IN PRACTICE. 
of Conclusions reached by a Group of Twenty British Quaker 
Employers after Four Days of Discussion in 1917 and 1918. _ §| 
(The three articles above in one reprint.) Price 10c. 

Adopted unanimously by the British Industrial Conference, Cen- 
tral Hall, Westminster, April 4. Reprinted from the SURVEY 
for May 3, 1919. and rapt heretofore published in the United 
States. Price 10c. 

FOR VALUE RECEIVED. A Discussion of Industrial Pensions. 

John A. Fitch. " Reprinted from the SURVEY. Price 5c. 
Special rates for quantity orders. of any of the above on application 

THE SURVEY, 112 East 19th Street, New York 

This issue of the SURVEY is a composite which is n> 
H only unique in its combination of elements but which is 
built around one element which has no counterpart in 
1 the history of magazine making. 

These paragraphs and the article beginning on page 
07 by Mr. Saposs were typed on a machine which pro- 
duces type matter with the lines automatically justified. 
To justify a line means that each letter is given the same 
space value it would receive were the type actually set 
g by hand ; at the same time the machine automatically 
1 adds to or subtracts from the spaces between worrls. 
j Thus all lines are made to end evenly. Into this machine 
J have gone years of labor, thousands of dollars, and the 
I genius of many engineers. Its perfection marks as rad- 
ii ical an advance in the arc of printing as the invention 
of the stereotype plate or linotype composition. 

The other articles on the steel strike were set up by 
the proprietors of a small union shop. 

The advertisements were set up in a shop in which 
the managers and New York local unions have come to 
p agreement . 

Page proofs of all this material were photographed 
upon zinc plates, and printed on offset presses, a process 
which is in itself a revolution from the ordinary method 
I of printing from raised type. 

The. press work was done in a lithographic establish- 
ment, a separate branch of the trade which is not in- 
volved in the present strike lockout in the ordinary press 
S rooms of New York. 


iWffliiiiliiiiiiiiBiiiiiiii! vii ■.nrra ;ii;i iiiiiiiuuiiiiiiiilllliil 

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc.. Publishers 

ROBERT W. de FOREST. Pres.aent PAUL TJ. KELLOGG. Editor 



H2 East 19 street. New York 9SS Grand avenue. Chicaeo 

Single copies of this issue, 25 cents. Cooperating subscriptions, $10 a 
year. Regular subscriptions weekly edition $4 a year ; foreign postage 
$1.50 extra ; Canadian 75 cents. Regular subscriptions once-a-month 
edition $2 a year ; foreign postage 60 cents extra ; Canadian 35 cents. 
Changes of address should be mailed us ten daj-6 in advance. When 
payment is by check a receipt will be sent only upon request. Copy- 
right, 1019, by Survey Associates, Inc. Entered as second class 
matter at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 
1879. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for 
in section 1103, act of October 3, 1917, authorized on June 26, 1918. 

A Great Peacemaker 

At the forefront in these troubled times, facing a race antagonism of intense bit- 
terness, with frequent ominous outbreaks of mob violence — a situation becoming daily 
graver and more intense, stands 

The American Missionary Association 

The Age-Long Friend of the Lowly and Oppressed 

Over against the hatred, contempt, injustice, brutality, and cruelty of the day it sets 
the religion of Jesus Christ with love at its heart — a religion which inevitably makes for 
the highest moral standards — for justice, fair play, sympathy, brotherly kindness, for- 
bearance, and chivalry. 

This great faith the Association expresses chiefly in the terms of Christian Education. 

For more than half a century it has been deep in the task of training Negro youth 

for freedom and for citizenship. It is the founder of seven notable institutions — Fisk, 

Hampton, Atlanta, Talladega, Tougaloo, Straight and Tillotson, and of scores of lesser 

schools. It is now sustaining wholly or in part five colleges for 
Negroes, besides twenty-five secondary schools, normal, indus- 
trial, and agricultural, with a teaching force of about five hun- 
dred and with nine thousand pupils. 

The Association has from the first been a Teacher of Teachers 
and a Leader of Leaders. Its graduates are to be found every- 
where among the foremost men of the race. 

While unsectarian, our schools are deeply Christian. They 
admit no shabby work, but insist upon high standards of scholar- 
ship in both teacher and pupil. They aim at symmetrical man- 
hood, training head, hand, and heart together. 

To the development of the intellect they add the discipline of 
self-reliance, sincerity, industry, reverence, patriotism, fitness 
for life. 

The communities in which our institutions stand are distinguished for morality, 
prosperity, high standards of living, and that self-respect which wins the respect of 
others. In almost every case they are marked by kindly, neighborly relations between 
the races. And thus under our hand the Master's promise is made good : 


"Behold I give unto you power ... 

The Association asks its friends to support its 
earnest purpose 

STEADILY to carry on our work in the face of 
advancing prices — 

JUSTLY to increase the salaries of 500 devoted 
missionary teachers — 

PROMPTLY to repair or to replace outworn build- 
ings and equipment — 

BOLDLY to meet with new undertakings the chal- 
lenge of the new day. 

over all the power of the enemy" 

To The American Missionary Association 
Dept. S — 287 Fourth Avenue, New York City 

Desiring to have a share in your great task of peace- 
making, I send the enclosed contribution. 

Amount, $ 

Name , 

Address t 

The Closed Shop 

And Other Industrial Issues of the Steel Strike 
By John A. Fitch 

[John Fitch is a man whose straightforward facing of controversial issues has been a very 
real asset of the Survey for twelve years past. During those twelve years he has marshalled in 
our columns an overwhelming mass of evidence as to labor conditions in the steel industry. . His 
work for us began under Prof. John R. Commons in the initial labor investigations for the Pitts- 
burgh Survey. This was followed successively b\ a year's field work in the mill tozens of Alle- 
gheny county, resulting in Mr. Fitch's book, The Steel Workers (Findings of the Pittsburgh 
Survey; published 1910 by the Russell Sage Foundation), and a year's field work in the other 
steel centers of the country under the Cabot Fund, resulting in a series of articles in this magazine 
entitled, The Human Side of Large Outputs. Since then, Mr. Fitch has folloza'cd every important 
steel investigation, and his own published findings have vez'er been successfully challenged. 

With this background of experience and information, and at a time when newspaper re- 
ports are zceak reeds to lean on, we asked Mr. Fitch to spend a week in the Pittsburgh steel district 
and interpret the industrial issues raised by the strike in an article which we could put before 
our readers with every assurance as to its sure-footed accuracy and zvell- grounded judgments. 
This article is published zvith that assurance by — The Editor.] 

WHAT are the chief issues in the steel strike? 
Is the strike revolution in disguise or is it a 
bona fide trade union struggle? Is the issue 
the closed union shop or the closed anti-union 
shop? Is the strike an effort of a minority to dominate, 
led by rank outsiders who came into the steel district as 
professional agitators? Or is it the expression of long 
pent-up desires held by large numbers of genuine steel 
workers, under a welcomed leadership? Is it a fight of 
Americans against foreigners? Or is it an old-fashioned 
dispute of anti-union employers against organized labor 
in any form, such as has long since been threshed out 
and settled in other major American industries in favor 
of collective bargaining? 

It was to obtain the latest evidence bearing on these 
questions at the point of greatest interest and of greatest 
friction that I went to Pittsburgh in mid-October at the 
time that the Senate committee under the chairmanship 
of Senator Kenyon went there for a similar reason. I 
attended the committee hearings and then went out to 
the mill towns to meet the strikers, the citizens, the police 
and everyone else whom I could reach. I got some evi- 
dence and herewith I pass it on just as it came to me: 

Revolution ? 

Steel Corporation officials, most of the papers and many 
citizens of Allegheny county will tell you that the strike 
is an incipient revolution. In a speech at the Ritz-Carl- 
ton Hotel in New York on September 25, Judge Gary is 
reported to have said : 

If the strike succeeds it might and probably would be the begin- 
ning of an upheaval which might bring on all of us grave and 
serious consequences. You know that the questions involved in 
the strike, which is led by Foster, the acknowledged revolution- 
ist, are higher than the United States Steel Corporation. 

The New York Tribune of September 23, in giving 
reasons for predicting the failure of the strike, said among 
other things : 

It will fail because the motive is political . . . because the 
American people will not submit to the socialization of basic 
industries by force . . . because of a word that is used to influ- 
ence the Slavic and other raw, unassimilated racial elements 
deliberately organized for the struggle. The word is revolution. 

During my visit to Pittsburgh, I tried earnestly to ac- 
quaint myself with this revolutionary propaganda. I 
asked everyone I met to tell me what he knew of it. Two 
citizens of McKeesport with whom I talked at the same 
time, one a minister, the other an American steel worker, 
told me that the strike was revolutionary in character. I 
asked for specifications. '"Why there was plenty of evi- 




dence of it before the Senate committee," said the min- 
ister. "Where," I inquired, "at the hearings in Washing- 
ton or in Pittsburgh?" 

"In Pittsburgh." 

"But," I protested, "I was present at the Pittsburgh 
hearings and there was no evidence of that character in- 

"Well," said the minister, "I read it in the Pittsburgh 

A Pittsburgh journalist, an expert on the iron and steel 
industry, also assured me that evidence of revolutionary 
intent had come out in the Pittsburgh hearings before the 
Senate committee. He too had "read it in the papers" — 
he had not attended the hearings. 

When I asked Burgess Farnsworth of Clairton about 
revolutionary propaganda— the burgess is also chief clerk 
of the Carnegie Steel Company at Clairton — he seemed 
not to understand. I called his attention to the sheriff's 
reference to "inflammatory circulars." "Oh, that was 
general," he replied. "What inflammatory literature has 
come to your attention that you might call specific?" 1 
asked. "Well, here's this," he said, showing me a bulle- 
tin issued by the strikers declaring in substance that a 
man who goes to work is a scab. 

"But the revolutionary stuff," I asked, "how about 
that? Are there any pamphlets attacking the govern- 
ment or have the leaders of the strike made any speeches 
advocating the overthrow of government or the taking 
over of property by force?" 

"I don't know of any such pamphlet or speech," re- 
plied the burgess. 

Not from citizens nor from mill officials nor trom pub- 
lic officials could I get any information supporting the 
claim that the strike is a revolution. On the contrary 
every person interviewed stated that he knew of no evi- 
dence of that sort. Sheriff Haddock, who issued a proc- 
lamation alleging the existence of inflammatory literature, 
admitted to a representative of the Survey that he did 
not, himself, know of anv. 

Several men grounded their belief on the alleged claim 
of some of the strikers that they intend to take over and 
operate the mills. L. H. Burnett, assistant to the presi- 
dent of the Carnegie Steel Company, told me that strikers 
had made such claims and that a striker had said to a 
superintendent of one of the Carnegie plants, "You no 
longer in big office when the strike is over. Me in office." 
Tn answer, however, to mv question, whether he knew 
of any revolutionary propaganda of any sort, either in the 
form of literature or in speeches or otherwise, Mr. Bur- 
nett said that he knew of none. 

Mr. Sibray, head of the Immigration Service ot the 
United States Department of Labor for the Pittsburgh 
district, and as such in charge of deportation cases, stated 
en October 17 that none of the men then held for depor- 
tation had any connection with the unions organizing the 
steel industry. He said also that he knew of no inflam- 
mator) or revolutionary literature in connection with the 
strike. If anv had been issued he said he would prob- 
ably know of it. 

In this connection a statement in the New York Times 
of October 19, quoting Maj.-Gen. Leonard Wood is in- 
teresting. General Wood is quoted as follows : 

The Reds who were making the trouble at Gary were not fo- 
menting the strike and had no interest in the industrial struggle 
as such, but went there because of the opportunities for misleading 
a lot of men who were engaged in an economic controversy and 

inflaming them into acts of violence. They flooded the different 
foreign groups with inflammatory literature illustrated with blots 
of ink representing blood. 

The strikers themselves generally behaved particularly well, the 
Americans especially. They adopted a resolution standing for 
law and order. Many men from the ranks of the strikers joined 
the police force to maintain law and order. John Fitzpatrick, the 
leader of the strike, and other leaders, came to me and said. "We 
stand for law and order." They were as much worried as any- 
body else about what was going on. 

All of my informants who began by insisting that the 
strike is a revolution and who ended by admitting that 
they knew of nothing to substantiate the statement,- re- 
ferred me, sooner or later, to a book by William Z. Foster. 
Foster is secretary of the committee that is directing the 
strike. He was formerly a member of the I. W. W. In 
1914 he published a book on syndicalism, thoroughly 
revolutionary in tone, favoring the overthrow of capital- 
ism and advocating the use of any methods that would 
bring that about. I have not read the book, but I have 
read extracts from it published in papers that are un- 
friendly to the strike, and, therefore, presumably the 
most reprehensible parts of it. 

Foster testified before the Senate committee that he 
no longer holds the views that he held in 1914 ; he has 
left the I. W. W. and is following more conservative 
methods. His repudiation of his former position was 
not, however, sufficiently specific and sweeping to satisfy 
the committee that he had actually repudiated his former 

Does Foster's leadership give a revolutionary tinge to 
the strike? I could not find anyone in Pittsburgh who 
could point to a single word, spoken or written, that 
would mark Foster today as a revolutionary agitator. 
Nowhere apparently has he used his influence in any 
direction but towards winning the strike by pure trade 
union methods. Whatever Foster's private opinions, it 
is apparent that he is not trying to lead anyone in .the 
direction of resistence to government. On the contrary, 
he has won the support of the conservative leaders of the 
twenty-four unions ' that are cooperating in conducting 
the strike, and with them he is counseling orderly meth- 
ods and obedience to law. 

The Closed Shop 
Ts the strike for the closed shop? Judge Gary has said 
that it is, and he has declared that to be a moral issue on 
which he will never yield. In various public statements 
Judge Gary has made it clear that his opposition to the 
closed shop is actually an opposition to unionism itself, 
whether demanding the closed shop or not. In other 
words, he assumes that union organization necessarily 
implies the closed shop. This is an incorrect assumption. 
The railroad brotherhoods, as Congressman Burke, a 
railroad man, testified before the Senate committee in 
Pittsburgh, are open-shop unions. Their members work 
without objection beside non-union men. 

At the Industrial Conference at Washington, the labor 
group under President Gompers of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor and including President Tighe, of the Amal- 
gamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers, voted 
with the public group for the original Chadbeurne reso- 
lution, recognizing the right of collective bargaining, the 
concluding paragraph of which read : 

This must not be understood as limiting the right of any wage- 
earner to retrain from joining any organization or to deal di- 
rectly with his employer if he so chooses. 

In the practice of most American labor unions, how- 
ever, the ultimate aim is the closed shop. When they feel 




that they are strong enough, most unions probably intend 
to demand it. Is this, then, sufficient reason for saying 
that the issue in the steel strike is the closed shop? The 
argument would run : "The strikers are not demanding 
a closed shop now, but if their unions are recognized and 
they become strong, they may some day bring that demand 
to the fore." But because of that possibility, should the 
public be expected to support the steel companies now in 
altogether barring unions from their mills? One might 
as well say that a corporation should not be permitted 
to come into being because it may, sometime, become 
monopolistic ; or that employes should not be paid wages 
because they might sometime ask for the entire net earn- 
ings of the enterprise, leaving nothing for capital. The 
question that Judge Gary raises is : Shall we tolerate no 
unions whatever, in view of the dangers inherent in the 
closed shop? 

Doubtless many have assumed that the steel workers 
are standing for the closed shop in the present strike be- 
cause of their ninth demand, which reads, "The check- 
off system of collecting union dues and assessments." 
The United Mine Workers have an agreement in the 
bituminous coal districts that the employer shall deduct 
from the wages due each man whatever he owes the 
union, and pay to the union treasurer the sums thus taken 
from the pay envelopes. This is what is called the check- 
off. It results in the enforcement of the closed shop. 
Every miner is a union member and his dues are always 
fully paid up. The wording of the ninth demand seems 
to justify the idea that the strikers intend to apply this 
system to the steel industry. When I talked with the lead- 
ers of the strike in Pittsburgh, I found that the demand 
was not meant to apply to steel mills but only to the coal 
mines operated by the steel companies. There is nothing 
in the wording of the demand to indicate any such limi- 
tation and the strike leaders have no right to complain if 
they have been misunderstood on this point. It was in- 
cumbent on them to state their case so clearly that no one 
need be in doubt. Judge Gary, on the other hand, is not 
justified in assuming that he knows the meaning of the 
demands when he refused an opportunity to have them 
explained to him. If he had received the union com- 
mittee which sought a conference, the point could have 
been cleared up in two minutes. 

The Closed Non-Union Shop 

But what is the closed shop? It is generally taken to 
mean a shop where a non-union man cannot get a job. 
There is another kind of closed shop — the one where 
unions and collective action are excluded. Members of 
unions may be employed but thev are not permitted to 
fuaction as union men. Their union membership is mean- 
ingless because they have no opportunity to secure the 
advantages- that the union is created to achieve. They 
are therefore union men in name but not in fact. In the 
closed non-union shops an active union man is not em- 
ployed. It is this sort of closed shop that the United 
States Steel Corporation maintains. It is this closed 
shop that the strikers are fighting. With this understand- 
ing it is not incorrect to say, as Judge Gary has said, 
that the issue is the closed shop. Back in 1901, the year 
the corporation was organized, the executive committee 
of the corporation adopted the following resolution : 

That we are unalterably opposed to any extension of union 
labor and advise subsidiary companies to take a firm position 
when these questions come up, and say that they are not going to 

recognize it, that is, any extension of unions in mills where they 
do not now exist. 

After that the corporation adopted an aggressive policy.' 
In the strike of 1901 the union was weakened ; in 1909 it 
was completely eliminated. When attempts have been 
made to reorganize, the leaders have been consistently 
discharged. Judge Gary is said to have testified at Wash- 
ington that the corporation has never discharged anyone 
for union activity. Bis memory is unfortunate. Min- 
utes of the executive committee of the corporation for 
July 8, 1901 (published in the Report on Conditions of 
Employment in the Iron and Steel Industry, by the 
United States Bureau of Labor. Senate Document 110, 
Sixty-Second Congress, First Session, Vol. II I), show that 
twelve men at the Wellsville plant were discharged for 
"endeavoring to institute a lodge" of the Amalgamated 
Association. That year the president of the Amalga- 
mated lodge in the Woods mill of the American Sheet 
and Tin Plate Company was discharged and blacklisted. 
In 1909 men discharged at Vandergrift mads affidavit 
that they were told it was because their wives attended 
union meetings. In 1910 a number of men were dis- 
charged at Gary, Ind., for attempting to form labor 
unions. One of them showed me the memorandum which 
the superintendent gave him to carry to the paymaster 
Written on it were the words, "Discharged on account 
of union agitator." 

I am mentioning some specific cases that have come 
to my attention in years past. In every steel town of 
America they can cite for you similar cases. Since 1909 
unionism has not been permitted at any steel corporation 
mill and in most of them there is no collective bargaining 
of any sort. There has even been refusal to receive 
petitions — as in the case of groups of workmen in Mc- 
Keesport and Braddock, who wanted the eight-hour day. 

And these policies of ten years are still the policies of 
the United States Steel Corporation. During my recent 
trip to Pittsburgh, L. *H. Burnett, assistant to the presi- 
dent of the Carnegie Steel Company, told me that com- 
mittees of men might confer over grievances, but that if 
a committee wanted to negotiate with the officials" over 
wages and hours, it would not be met. He stated that it 
was the policy of the company to discharge union men 
who were active or who were organizing within the 

Out in the mill towns the strikers told me of being 
discharged for joining the union. In half an hour at 
Homestead I talked with a half dozen men who claimed 
to have been disciplined in that way. I talked with three 
or four at Braddock and with two at Clairton, all of 
whom happened to be in strike headquarters when I 
called. Strikers are not permitted to gather in McKees- 
port, and I talked with no discharged men there, but busi- 
ness and professional men of that city who are opposed to 
the strike told me it had always been the policy of the 
National Tube Company to discharge men who were try- 
ing to organize a union. It was a McKeesport paper that 
remarked, in connection with Judee Gary's testimony at 
Washington that the United States Steel Corporation 
does not discharge men for joining unions, that Judge 
Gary "ought to know better than to make such a* state- 

There were several men also who testified before the 
Senate committee that they had been discharged for join- 
ing the union. Some of the men who talked with me 
were told plainly that they were being discharged for that 



reason. One man working at Homestead said he was 
called in by his foreman and asked if he had attended a 
union meeting. When he admitted that he had he was 
told to get his pay. "We want no union here," the fore- 
man said. In other cases the reason was not given, the 
foreman expressing regret over the discharge and saying. 
"I'm not doing this. It comes from higher up." 

In every place where strikers were gathered together 
I asked them if they had no means of securing adjust- 
ment of grievances. Invariably they said they had not. 
"If you go to the foreman," they said, "he tells you 'if 
you don't like it you can quit.' " 

"Why don't you appeal to the superintendent?" I 

"You'd get fired," was the reply. 

"Well, then, why didn't you appoint a committee to go 
to the superintendent, state your case and get justice 
done?" I asked this question at strike headquarters in 
Homestead, Braddock and Clairton, and I asked it of 
strikers from Donora who attended the Senate commit- 
tee hearings. It was a question that got the same response 
every time it was asked — a laugh of such mockery that 
its significance was unmistakable. Then they told me, 
"Just let anybody try it. The committee would be fired." 

I asked them if such committees had been formed in 
times past and had been discharged. Some said they 
knew of such occurrences ; others had never seen it tried ; 
but all were positive as to what the consequences would 

As to individual protests, the men were equally confi- 
dent that no redress could be secured. A man at Qairton 
told me that on one occasion the foreman ordered his 
gang, who were about to knock off at six, after twelve 
hours work, to remain until ten. The men wanted to go 
home for supper, but the foreman would not permit it. 
They went, nevertheless ; and two days later my in- 
formant, who had been the spokesman, was discharged. 

How the Strike Was Called 

These incidents throw some light on the question of 
why there is a strike. They throw light also on another 
question that people arc asking: Why was the strike 
not postponed in accordance with the request of Presi- 
dent Wilson? To present the evidence bearing on that 
I must go back a bit. 

Last May the National Committee for Organizing Iron 
and Steel Workers held a conference in Pittsburgh. Dele- 
gates were present from newly organized locals in all 
sections of the country. It was an open conference and 
with other newspaper and magazine men I attended it. 
Many of the delegates wanted to call a strike. They were 
being discriminated against, they said. Members were 
being discharged right and left. Something must be done 
at once. The leaders, Fitzpatrick, Foster and the others, 
did their utmost to hold this feeling in check. Reluctantly 
the delegates were convinced and a strike movement was 
averted. It was evident, however, that they could not 
long be held back, and in August a strike vote was taken. 

After the strike vote came Judge Gary's refusal to 
meet the committee with Fitzpatrick at its head, and after 
that President Wilson's request that the strike be post- 
poned. Organizer J. G. Brown of the national commit- 
tee explained the matter to the Senate committee in Pitts- 
burgh. The movement had gone too far to stop, he said. 
Local after local, I learned at headquarters in Pittsburgh, 
served notice that they were going on strike September 

22 regardless of the national committee. District organ- 
izers reported that if the strike were postponed they 
would not go back and face the men. It was no longer a 
question of whether there should be a strike or not, but 
of whether the strike, bound to come anyway, should be an 
organized strike with leadership or a disorganized one 
without leadership. Meanwhile the organizers charge 
that there was no let up in the activity of the corporation 
in discharging union men and doing what it could to dis 
rupt the organization. If there were to be a truce, it 
looked to them like a union truce alone ; the steel compa- 
nies indicating no intention of keeping it. So the strike 
was called on September 22. 

It has been alleged that the strike is one of foreigners 
alone and that there is some sort of issue between them 
and the Americans. That is certainly not the case in 
Johnstown, Pa., where the Cambria Steel Company plant 
is completely tied up- — Americans and foreigners stand- 
ing firm together. It is not true in. Cleveland where 
thousands of skilled Americans have joined the unions, 
nor is it true in Youngstown and Steubenyille, O., or in 
Gary or South Chicago. At all of those points Americans 
in large numbers are in the unions and are out on strike. 

In the Pittsburgh mill towns, however, it is apparent 
that the strikers are largely foreign-born and that the 
Americans are at work. Everywhere you encounter irri- 
tation. "These organizers didn't appeal to the Amer- 
icans," you are told ; "they just went among the foreign- 
ers." This is what you are told everywhere by business 
and professional men. 

The cleavage between native American stock and for- 
eigners, long a marked feature of life in Pittsburgh mill 
towns, has been accentuated during this strike. Among 
the strikers I found naturalized citizens and native-born 
citizens, but they were all Hunkies because they or their 
fathers were born in Europe. One young fellow was of 
the third generation in this country. His grandfather 
came from Hungary in 1848, about the time America 
was going wild over Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian 
patriot. But he is a Hunky. I was especially interested 
when I learned that his father also is a steel worker and 
on strike. "Your father must have been working in '92," 
I remarked, wondering if he were in the famous Home- 
stead strike of that year. "Working in '92?" he de- 
manded, growing red in the face. "The hell he was ! He 
was on strike. Let me tell you scabbing doesn't run in 
our family." I hastened to explain that I had no intention 
of accusing his father of being a strike breaker. 

In the Pittsburgh district the Americans are mostly at 
work. Whether this is due to their superior economic 
condition — the best jobs all belong to the Americans — 
or whether it is their distrust of the Hunky or their fear 
of discharge and blacklist, it is difficult to say. It is cer- 
tain that they have had experience with the reprisals that 
follow organizing campaigns. It is plain also that forces 
opposed to the strike are making the most of the tradi- 
tional antagonism between Americans and Hunkies. But 
the' foreigners represent two-thirds of the employes in 
most steel mills. In any strike, therefore, a majority of 
the strikers would probably be foreigners. 

The Strike Leaders 
The statement that the men had no grievances, men- 
tioned above, is usually made in connection with the 
further charge that Fitzpatrick, Foster and the other 
[Continued on page 86] 

Judge Gary on the Open Shop 

[Excerpts from cm address October 24, before 1,500 members of the American Iron and Steel Insti- 
tute in New York. Judge Gary's position -was unanimously endorsed.] 

"The attention of the members of the American Iron and 
Steel Institute has of late been focussed on the attempts of 
leaders in the American Federation of Labor to unionize the 
iron and steel industry of this country. . . . 

"The strike, which has been directed by the union labor 
leaders, and was begun, so far as I am informed, without any 
request or authorization from the workmen themselves, has 
been conducted in the usual way. Immediately preceding the 
day fixed for ordering out the men, intimidating letters, large 
numbers of them being anonymous, were sent to the families 
of the workmen, threatening physical injury to the father or 
husband, damage to or destruction of the home and kidnap- 
ping of the children unless the employe referred to should 
obey the order to strike. A number of the workmen who 
had joined the unions voluntarily accepted the order to strike 
and others remained away from the factories through fear. 

"In many if not most of the mills, the larger number of 
employes continued to work without interruption. At the 
beginning many of the workmen who attempted to continue 
their work, and others who had remained at home through 
fear and attempted to return, were confronted in the public 
streets and elsewhere by strikers or pickets and importuned 
to engage in the strike, and many were assaulted and seri- 
ously injured. After protection was afforded by the police, 
sheriffs and deputies, state constabulary and, in some cases, 
state or national troops, the numbers resuming work in- 
creased appreciably from day to day until in many places 
operations are about normal. Taken as a whole, the situa- 
tion at present is good and steadily improving. 

"It will be observed that the strike is not the result of any 
claim by any workmen for higher wages or better treatment 
or for any reason except the desire and effort on the part 
of union labor leaders to unionize the iron and steel indus- 
try. . . . The action taken was 'for the purpose of uniting 
all these organizations into one mighty drive to organize the 
steel plants of America.' 

"Without discussing for the present the merit or demerit 
of labor unions, it may be observed that union labor leaders 
openly state that they seek to unionize or, as they say, 'organ- 
ize' the whole industry of this country. Those who do not 
contract or deal with unions, although they do not combat, 
insist upon absolute freedom to both employer and employe 
in regard to employment and the management of the shops. 
The non-union employers and employes both stand for the 
open shop. The unions argue for the closed shop or, as the 
leaders now insist, 'the right of collective bargaining through 
labor union leaders.' 

"Every proposition contended for by the laboF unions at 
the National Industrial Conference at Washington led to 
domination of the shops and of the men by the union leaders. 
Every position taken by the other side centered on the open 
shop. This is the great question confronting the American 
people and, in fact, the world public, for from 80 to 90 per 
cent or more of labor in this country is non-union. It is for 
them and the employers generally and the large class of 
men and women who are not, strictly speaking, employers 
or wage-earners to determine whether or not it is best 
for the whole community to have industry totally organized. 

" T udging by experience, we believe it is for the best 
interest of employer and employe and the general public 
to have a business conducted on the basis of what we term 
the 'open shop,' thus permitting any man to engage in 
any line of employment, or any employer to secure the 
services of any workman on terms agreed upon between 
the two, whether the workman is or is not connected 
with a labor union. The verdict of the people at large 
will finally decide this question, and the decision will be 

"1 think the fundamental question submitted to the 
conference for recommendation to industries was the open 
shop. . . . 

"All through the conference when ever the question of 
collective bargaining was discussed, it was apparent that 
the union labor leaders would not support any resolution 
in favor of collective bargaining except on the basis that 
collective bargaining meant bargaining through labor 
unions. . . . 

"The unions claim that collective bargaining through 

different forms of shop organization made up of the 
employes tends to limit the extension of unions by increasing 
their numbers. The non-union employes and their employers 
insist that collective bargaining through labor unions means 
that employes are forced to join the unions as otherwise 
they could not be represented. So it is perfectly clear 
that the whole argument returns to the main proposition 
of open or closed shop. 

"In the conference there was no objection offered by 
any one to a form of collective bargaining as between 
employes and employers, provided both were free from out- 
side representation and direction 

"The labor group, so called, was made up of union 
leaders, leaving unorganized labor without special rep- 
resentation. The same mistake seems to have been made by 
a large portion of the public that was made throughout the 
war, namely, that organized labor really represented work- 
men or wage-earners generally, notwithstanding that, as 
a matter of fact, at least 85 per cent of the total are non-union 
— not members of any union organization. . . '. 

"I conceive it to be proper in this family of industrial 
workers consisting of two thousand members of the most im- 
portant basic industry, to claim that we have demonstrated in 
practice we are upon a plane which is higher and better 
than ever before occupied by this industry' in this country : 
that wo have been striving to deserve the approval of 
all who are interested in our business and our decisions, 
that we have sought the confidence of our employes, our 
customers, our competitors, our principals who own the 
properties we manage, and the general public. 

"And yet it would be unfortunate if we could nof discover 
opportunities for further improvement, if we failed to 
read or to listen to the criticisms of others, if we let pass 
the requests of suggestions of our workmen for changes 
which they believe would be proper concerning their employ- 
ment, if we neglected to give our employes, individually 
or in groups, opportunities to discuss with the managers 
all questions or mutual interest, if we minimize in any 
degree the well-recognized fact that the public good is 
of prime importance and that private interests must be 
subordinated. It is a pleasure to me to know from long 
experience that I am appealing to a sympathetic audience 
in behalf of a continued effort on our part to be more worthy 
of the respect and confidence of every right-thinking person 
who is familiar with our industrial life. 

"Considerable has been said in public of late concerning 
the attempt to spread the doctrine of bolshevism in this 
country. All of us have known for some time that this 
disease is persistent and that there has been some inoculation 
even in this best of countries. Still we deny that there 
is danger of serious trouble. There is only one way to 
treat this disease and that is to stamp it out, to meet it 
boldly wherever it can be found, to expose it and give it 
no chance for development. In this free country, with 
its reasonable laws wisely administered, its golden harvests, 
healthful climate, peace-loving inhabitants who are generous 
in contributions for relief and protection, schools, churches 
and hospitals, there is no room except in the prisons for 
the anarchist, the bolshevist or other individual -who seeks 
to substitute the rule of force for the rule of law and 

"If there are any slinking, desperate, murderous bolshe- 
viki in this country, even in small numbers, I believe the 
Secret Service Department of the government should detect 
and expose them and that the iron hand of justice should 
punish them as they deserve ; and as I have faith in this 
country and its institutions, I believe this will be done 
and done promptly. Any one who doubts the ability 
of the proper authorities to protect the persons and property 
of our people against bolshevism and other similar doc- 
trines fail to appreciate the courage of our citizens and 
the terrible force and strength of subdued calmness when 
they are surrounded by threatened danger. 

"For ourselves, let us be fair and iust. considerate and 
determined, hopeful and complacent. We shall emerge from 
the waves of unrest which naturally follow the demoral- 
ization and terrors of war, and as a people will be better 
and stronger than ever." 


Copyright International \ 


Closed Towns 

Intimidation as It is Practised in the Pitts- 
bu rgh Steel District : — the Contrast in Ohio 

By S. Adele Shaw 

[Miss Shaw spent the first two weeks of the strike in the Pittsburgh district for the Survey. 
and then crossed from Pennsylvania to the steel centers of Ohio, where civil liberties arc pre- 
served in the midst of the industrial conflict. A native of Pittsb trgh, member of the staff of the 
Pittsburgh Survey, Miss Shazv brings experience as a social worker and as a journalist to her 
task of interpretation. The first draft of her article was submitted for criticism to public officials, 
strike leaders and mill executives. Facts were then checked up and incidents carried to their 
sow ccs, and her narrative can be depended upon as the findings of a trained observer. — Editor.] 

I ARRIVED in Pittsburgh the evening of the third 
day of the steel strike. Through a gate to one side 
of me, as I stood in the Union Station, a line of for- 
eigners perhaps twenty-five in number, Slavs and 
Poles, dressed in their dark "best" clothes, with mus- 
taches brushed, their faces shining, passed to the New 
York emigrant train. Each man carried a large new 
leather suitcase, or occasionally the painted tin suitcase — 
a veritable trunk — appeared in the line. And there, not 
quite concealed by its wrapping, was the unmistakable 
portrait which one could picture in its setting over the 
mantle in the boarding-house just left. Men and bag- 
gage were leaving, as every night they leave from that 
station on that same train for New York and the "old 

Scarcely had the gate closed on the emigrant workers 
when a guard threw open an entrance gate through which 
marched, erect and brisk, a squad of state constabulary — 
"Cossacks" they are called in the mill towns. Young men 
they were in perfect training — men with great projec- 
tion of jaw developed, it almost seemed, to hold the black 
leather straps of their helmets firmly in place. 


It was the following day that I came in closer contact 
with one of these troopers in Braddock. the town where 
the foundation of the Carnegie fortune was laid. I had 
been at labor headquarters and then, before calling on 
the town or mill officials, walked with the local head of the 
Committee for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers, 
down the street to see the mill with its protection of walls, 
guns and men. We neither stepped off the sidewalk of the 
main thoroughfare nor stopped as we looked at the mill 
on one side and the of workers on the other. "AVe 
made no notes and spoke to no one we passed. Yet as 
we turned the corner, a trooper pushed the nose of his 
horse to my shoulder, dismounted and ordered us to stop. 
He searched the organizer and asked what he was doing 
in the town. The man presented his card. 

"If I catch you loitering here one instant I'll arrest 
you." The jaw was unusually long. 

"And you, too," he snapped, turning to direct his atten- 
tion to me. 




1 ror 


of the 
if m. 


ling t 

free rr 


of the 
men at 

ah j 

UGc o 

"if in;, 

r roe 

V. :o 


"What are those pamphlets you are distributing?' 
took the papers and book I carried. 




"The Pittsburgh Sun and Chronicle Telegraph," I re- 

Corporal Smith took from me my book, my personal 
papers, a telegram of instructions from the editor of the 
Survey, the notes I had made on my visits to the towns, 
cards with addresses, etc. He returned my book and 
mounted his horse. 

"When may I have my papers back?" I inquired. 

"That's my business," retorted the corporal. 

Intimidation, not riot, is the word to describe the 
situation as I saw it the first week of the strike in the mill 
towns of western Pennsylvania. In addition to Braddock 
I visited Homestead, McKeesport and Duquesne in Alle- 
gheny County. Over each town hung an atmosphere 
heavy with suppression — a suppression personified on the 
surface by the troopers, but which dates back to '92, when 
the Carnegie Company under H. C. Frick broke the back 
of the union — a suppression engineered by the interlock- 
ing machinery of mill, town, cognty and state. It is this 
combination that the strikers are up against. It is the 
core of the present struggle. It explains more than any- 
thing else the demand of the workers to be heard — to be 
free men — free in their towns as well as in their work. 

Backed by governor, sheriff and mayors, the iron will 
of the steel corporations has been clamped down upon the 
men at every turn in this, their first effort at self-assertion 
in from ten to thirty years. Two days before the strike 
was called, William S. Haddock, sheriff of Allegheny 
county, issued a proclamation prohibiting the gathering 
of three or more persons on highways or vacant property, 
and ordering the dispersing of persons "unlawfully, riot- 
ously and tumultuously" assembled together. This proc- 
lamation under the sheriff's own interpretation prohibited 
all outdoor meetings, the making of remarks derogatory to 
public officials and the expression of "radical" sentiments. 
The interpretation of the words "derogatory" and "rad- 
ical" he left with town officials or his local representative. 

Despite this order, strikers have attempted to hold out- 
door meetings, basing their action on their constitutional 
right to freedom of speech. Early in the first week a 

Copyright International 







thousand of them crossed the city line from McKees- 
port into Glassport borough at three in the afternoon. 
Glassport authorities did not protest, but seven of the 
state police and county deputies appeared, dispersed the 
men, and arrested the leaders on charge of riot. The 
toll was four injured. Since that time the sheriff has 
prohibited the holding of any meetings in Glassport, in- 
doors or out. Asked why he had taken such action when 
the Glassport authorities had not objected to the meetings, 
he said that since the mayor of McKeesport had pro- 
hibited meetings it "would not be fair to him if the sheriff 
did not prohibit them in the adjoining borough." 

In North Clairton, just beyond, strikers were holding a 
meeting the Sunday before the strike in a field where 
local authorities had, previous to the sheriff's proclama- 
tion, given the men permission to meet. The meeting 
was proceeding peaceably when suddenly seven or eight 
troopers broke it up and took five men under arrest. 
Thirty-six more of the men were arrested a day or two 
following the meeting. The majority were held for "in- 
citing to riot." Bail was placed at from $1,000 to $2,500 

Copyright Internationa.' 





Growing Up in Gold Alley, Homestead (above) 
Used by 35 Gold Alley Families (belotv) 

and pending the hearings ten days later, the men had to 
put up a total bail of over $43,000. 

In Braddock, both outdoor and indoor meetings had 
been held previous to the sheriff's proclamation. At the 
first attempt, during the summer, the organizers had been 
arrested to be sure. But at their hearing Squire Holz- 
man said he "refused to do the dirty work of the bur- 
gess." The men were released. During the strike, in- 
door meetings continued. So Braddock afforded me not 
only -fresh impressions of a steel town in the midst of 
the strike but also of the sort of strikers' meetings pro- 
hibited in other boroughs which did not share in even 
Braddock's restricted measure of industrial liberty. 

Braddock lies on the right bank of the Monongahela 
just below McKeesport and across the river from Home- 
stead. It is the typical steel-mill town, with the works on 
the level by the river, the foreign districts close about, 
the railroad and steel car lines running through the busi- 
ness sections, dividing the industrial district from the resi- 
dences of Americans and officials on the hillside. There 
are the Edgar Thomson Steel Works, the original plant 
of the Carnegie Steel Company, where Carnegie and 
Schwab got their start; the Carrie furnaces of the same 
company which makes metal for the Homestead works ; 
the American Steel and Wire Company, a subsidiary of 
the corporation, and the McClintic-Marshall Construction 
Company, called by labor organizers "the greatest labor- 
hating concern in America." 

"No trouble here at all" was the invariable answer from 
town and mill officials when asked how things were go- 
ing. A cold dead calm had descended upon the town. 
The stacks of the mills seemed scarcely breathing. The 

air was cleared of dust and soot and the blue sky 
shone above. Along the main street a steady stream 
of foreigners passed — not loitering nor in groups — but 
walking seemingly in full enjoyment of their right to be 
dressed up and look at the shops or partake of the town's 
amusements, yet on the alert. To many of them it was 
a new experience. They had christened the first day of 
the strike "Labor's Day." 

Yet police and plain clothes men were everywhere in 
evidence and an occasional trooper passed on his horse. 
Nearer the Edgar Thomson works the state police, who 
earlier in the day patrol the foreign districts, were guard- 
ing the men who came out. I saw but a handful — per- 
haps twelve— young men and Negroes, with their dinner 
buckets, their faces smirched with soot. At the entrance 
to the works the mill police stood on watch on the porch 
of the guard house, guns at their feet. Deputies and 
plain clothes men stood by. Troopers patrolled up and 
down before the high concrete wall with its iron gates — 
a wall which gives the mill the appearance of a medieval 
town. Behind the wall the mill officials and the majority 
of the workers — many of them Negroes — worked, slept 
and ate. Where the railroad tracks enter the mill, two 
small wooden guard houses had been erected. The front 
walls were of wood below and corrugated iron above. 
Between the two materials there was an open space per- 
haps two feet wide, through which the deputies coukl 
be seen. In these shacks on either side of the tracks the 
strikers believed machine guns were set for action. Below 
the tracks, the street opposite the mill and those leading 
out from it were lined with workingmen's house-. Chil- 
dren played on the filthy bricks and in the dirt by the 

In the evening I went to a meeting of strikers. All was 
quiet as I made my way toward the river. Down a poorly 
lighted street, so dark I could scarcely see the curb, I 
found the men standing, filling the vacant lot before the 
door of the hall which was packed, and on the sidewalks 
and street, but not blocking either. There was neither 
noise nor excitement. "Mother Jones goin' to speak.!' 
"Come on lady." And the men held up their arms to 
open a passage for me. The hall was jammed. Sweat 
stood on every forehead. 

The first speaker was J. G. Brown of the Pittsburgh 
strike committee. I had heard him the summer before in 
the mill towns telling the men what the eight-hour day 
would mean for them and their families, urging them to 
take out their papers and become citizens, and never 
failing to impress upon them the necessity of obeying 
the laws of the town, state and the country. Then came 
the deep clear voice of a woman, filling every corner of 
the hall. I stood on tiptoe and saw the grey hair of 
Mother Jones, the woman agitator of the mining districts 
of Colorado and West Virginia, who with the rough 
speech and ready invective of the old-time labor spell- 
binder, has exerted a powerful influence over the striking 
steel workers. At her first words there was complete 
silence. Though practically all were foreigners, not a 
man in the hall appeared to miss a word. "We're going 
to have a hell of a fight here, boys," she said and went on : 

We are to find out whether Pennsylvania be'ongs to Gary or to 
Uncle Sam. If it belongs to Gary we are going to take it away 
from him. We can scare and starve and lick the whole gang 
when we get ready. . . . The eyes of the world are on us today. 
They want to see if America can make the fight. . . . Our hoys 
went over there. You were told to ciean up the Kaiser. Well, 
you did it. And now we're going to clean up the damned Kaisers 
at home. . . . They sit up and smoke seven ty- five cent cigars 




7,000 Strikers. Denied the Right to Meet in Pennsylvania, Marching into Ohio to Hold Their First Meeting, 

September 22 

and have a lackey bring them champagne. They have stomachs 
two miles long and two miles wide and we fill them. . . . Remem- 
ber when all was dark in Europe and Columbus said. "I see a new 
land," they laughed. But the Queen of Spain sold her jewels and 
Columbus went to it. . . . He died in poverty, but he gave us this 
nation and you and I aren't going to let Gary take it from us. 
. . . If he wants fourteen hours he can go in and work it him- 
self. . . . We don't want guns. We want to destroy guns. We 
want honest men to keep the peace. We want music and play- 
grounds and the things to make life worth while. . . . Now, you 
fellows go on out. I want to talk to the other boys. 

What the sheriff's proclamation did in balking outdoor 
meetings throughout the county, local officials in other 
mill towns did for just such indoor meetings as this at 
Braddock. In Pittsburgh itself Mayor Babcock prohib- 
ited the holding of meetings "within the strike zones," 
limiting them to the Labor Temple in the center of the 
city (Pittsburgh car fare is 10 cents straight or seven 
and a half cents with tickets) and to one hall on the north 

side. Pittsburgh council refused the ]>etition of 100,000 
organized workers of the district, made through their 
attorney, to hold a public hearing on the action of public 
officials during the strike. 

The crux of the situation in the mill communities lies 
in the fact that under the Pennsylvania law the mayors 
of the towns and the burgesses of the boroughs, though 
not exactly judges and executioners, are close to it. They 
are both magistrates and heads of the local government. 

James S. Crawford, mayor of Duquesne, effectively 
blocked the holding of labor meetings, lxrth before and 
during the strike, outdoors and in ; blocked even the open- 
ing of headquarters by the organizers. During the second 
week. Judge Richard A. Kennedy of the Allegheny county 
court handed down an opinion sustaining his action in 
fining two organizers, Foster and Beaghen, $100 each 
for attempting on September 7 to hold a meeting in a 

Copyf'ight 1 uteriiational 




vacant lot without a permit. The men had previously ap- 
plied for a permit and been denied by Crawford. The 
owner of the lot had given permission to hold the meet- 
ing. When the men appeared however, "no trespassing" 
signs had been put up. The lot had in the meantime 
been acquired by the Carnegie Land Company. In mak- 
ing the decision the judge held that although the right 
of free speech is sacred, deserving protection, there are 
cases in which this right must yield to the safety of citi- 
zens, their homes and their property. He conceded that 
the object of the meeting, to increase the membership of 
the American Federation of Labor, was lawful, but said 
there were times and circumstances which might cause 
such a meeting to terminate in action which could not be 
foreseen and which might be disastrous. He held that 
the mayor was justified by the fact that he was respon- 

crarapcu. TELBcnurn 

The Strike Has Failed 

Go Back To Work 


sible for the preservation of peace and order, although 
the attempt to meet was two weeks before the strike was 
called and no trouble had occurred in the city. Forty 
workers present at the meeting were arrested and fined 
from $10 to $25 each. Since the meeting organizers have 
been unable to lease any vacant lot or any vacant room 
for headquarters in the town. Their inference is that the 
Steel Corporation has directly or indirectly leased all 
such holdings. 

It was Mayor Crawford who in denying a permit to the 
organizers said, "Jesus Christ himself couldn't hold a 
meeting in Duquesne." And it was to this same town that 
the Committee on Public Information of the federal gov- 
ernment, while conducting an Americanization campaign 
last February, sent a Russian speaker to talk to the people 
on the life of Abraham Lincoln. At eight o'clock, when 
on the platform, the speaker was arrested by the local 
authorities and jailed for three days. It was there, too, ' 
that Mayor Crawford, in convicting J. L. Beaghen, one 

of the organizers arrested for attempting to hold the 
meeting referred to above, said publicly, "If I had my 
way you would be sent to the penitentiary for 99 # years 
and when you got out you'd be sent back for 99 years 

Mayor Crawford is president of the First National 
Bank of Duquesne. His brother is president of the Mc- 
Keesport Tin Plate Company. 

It is to such disinterested hands that Sheriff Haddock's 
proclamation and Judge Kennedy's opinion turn over the 
broad provisions of civil rights in the American consti- 
tution. It is to such hands as those of Mayor Cieorge H. 
Lysle, of McKeesport, whose activity began back in April, 
1918, when the local labor people attempted to organize 
the iron and steel workers. [See the Survey for Janu- 
ary 4.] This was before the St. Paul convention at which 
the American Federation of Labor set going its present 
movement for organizing the steel industry. The initi- 
ative was taken by the Central Labor Council of McKees- 
port. They rented Ross Hall and placed cards announc- 
ing the meetings in saloons and other places. The mayor 
ordered the cards removed and notified the meeting thai 
it could not proceed. The men then moved down to the 
Labor Temple, headquarters for the labor council. There 
the superintendent of the Portvue tin mill ( McKeesport 
Tin Plate Company, an independent concern), com- 
monly spoken of among residents of the town as the 
"gold mine" because of the wealth it has produced, 
barred the door and a scuffle ensued resulting in the ar- 
rest of several of the men. 

The next move was when the Committee for Organ- 
izing Iron and Steel Workers attempted to secure a per- 
mit for a meeting in the city last spring. They were re- 
fused. Charles H. Howe, president of the central labor 
body and a member of the town council, tried to put 
a resolution through council calling for permits to be 
issued to the organizers. His resolution was not even 

The mill police then appeared on the streets and in 
saloons, watching the men who were active. The organ- 
izers held several street meetings without a permit and 
finally last July were granted a permit for a hall provided 
the meetings were held under the auspices of the local 
Central Labor Council and that no foreign speakers 
were used. The organizers would not go on record in 
regard to foreign speakers. Meetings were held For- 
eign speakers were used. The outsanding feature of 
all the meetings was the gathering of literally hundreds 
of mill bosses before the doors to intimidate the men and 
check them off. I was present at the first meeting when 
250 superintendents and foremen stood for three hours 
outside the hall. After one such meeting 114 men were 
discharged in one day- From the records at labor head- 
quarters it is estimated that over a thousand men were 
paid off in a few weeks. 

Late in August the mayor again placed the ban on all 
labor meetings. He took no action, however, in regard 
to the congregating of officials on the streets before the 
halls. Tuesday evening after Labor Day the men tried 
to hold a meeting without a permit. The police inter- 
fered and arrested the organizers. They were released 
on forfeit but the crowd of laborers went down to the 
Tube mill and called a miniature strike. Trouble re- 
sulted. One manager was struck on the head and some 
of the strikers were injured. The men were chiefly 
foreigners and many of them were aliens. The report 






was circulated that quite a few of them were armed. 
Sheriff Haddock of Allegheny county, who had heen 
called to the scene, told me the men were not armed. 
Nevertheless, from that time on public sentiment was 
more than ever against the men. 

In addition to bringing in the state police. Mayor 
Lysle deputized 3,500 men. The climax came however 
when, during the third strike week, he closed labor head- 
quarters which had been used as a meeting place for the 
Central Labor Council and local trade unions for nearly 
thirty years. It was also the strike headquarters. The 
mayor stated through the press that he closed the rooms 
because thirty-four men had congregated there, contrary 
to his proclamation. The thirty-four men had previously 
been arrested or had suffered injury at the hands of the 
state constabulary and were stating their cases to a Pitts- 
burgh attorney. The mayor later granted special per- 
mission to the carpenters', bricklayers' and other "regu- 
lar" unions to continue the holding of "business" meet- 
ings in the building. 

Over in Homestead where meetings have been held 
during the strike the struggle was a free speech fight 

from the beginning. There no labor meetings had been 
held for twenty-six years — not since the memorable 
strike. When organizers went into the town last spring 
they were denied permits to meet in halls. One had 
been rented and paid for. The check was returned, the 
owner making an excuse for the hall's not being avail- 
able. The organizers then held two street meetings un- 
disturbed. At the third they were arrested, charged with 
violating a borough ordinance regulating traffic, and 
found guilty by the burgess. The case was carried to a 
higher court, and during the second week of the strike 
the burgess was sustained by Judge Kennedy. 

While the case was pending, verbal permission was 
granted to hold hall meetings on condition that no foreign 
speakers be used. Here, too, the organizers refused to 
go on record on that point. ( )ne night there were speeches 
in foreign languages and after that the nermit was 

An organizer for the Amalgamated Association then 
went in and requested a permit. He also would not agree 
to eliminate foreign speakers and was refused a [>ermit. 

Copyright International 




He then had a writ of mandamus served on the burgess 
to compel him to issue one. At the hearing before Judge 
Swearingen in the county court, the burgess protested 
he had no legal authority to issue a permit for a hall 
meeting, and thereby admitted he had no authority to 
deny one. This was the admission sought by the organ- 
izers. The case was dropped and they held indoor meet- 
ings thereafter without permits. 

Maguire, the burgess, practices law in Pittsburgh. He 
worked in the mill when a young man and was formerly 
opposed to the methods of the Steel Corporation. He 
is commonly credited with having been proprietor of a 
newspaper run for a short time in the borough, which 
frequently attacked the corporation. Since obtaining 
office two years ago, however, his opposition has entirely 

The president of the borough council, "Dick" Moon, 
who acts as burgess in the absence of Maguire, is chief 
of the mechanical department in the Carnegie mill. He 
refused to act in the matter of granting permits for 
meetings previous to the time the matter was carried to 
the county courts. At that time he told me it was "too big 
a matter for him to act upon in the absence of the bur- 
gess." Moon, a Scotchman, was one of the strikers in 
'92. Burgess Lincoln of Munhall borough, where the 
Homestead works is located, is also a superintendent 
in the mill. Sheriff Haddock's brother is a mill official 
at Farrell. 

This interlocking of mill and town officials explains 

not only the ease with which normal civil rights have 
been shelved, but the ease with which, under the guise 
of law enforcement, deputies and troopers get away with 
reckless action in the streets and alleys, and with which 
the petty courts turn trumped-up grounds for the arrest 
of labor organizers and strikers into denials of justice. 
- In Allegheny county Sheriff Haddock had, according 
to his own statement on October first, deputized 300 men 
for service under control of his central office and 5,000 
mill deputies. Newspapers placed the figure early in the 
strike at 10,000. The mill police who in ordinary times 
are sworn in under the state provision for coal and iron 
police for duty in the mills only, are, since the strike, 
sworn in by the sheriff at the request of the companies. 
They have power to act anywhere in the county. They 
are under the direction of the mill authorities. Compa- 
nies are required to file a bond of $2,000 for each man so 
deputized and are responsible for his actions. 

It is the state constabulary, however, who have set the 
pace for the work of intimidation in the mill towns of 
Allegheny county. Responsibility for calling them in is 
difficult to fix. Since last February squads had been 
stationed at Dravosburg within easy reach of the steel 
towns ; and the Saturday before the strike patrols were 
brought down into them. The sheriff denies that he 
called on the state for the troopers. The burgess of 
Braddock and the chiefs of police in Homestead and 
Munhall professed ignorance of the responsibility for 
their coming. 

{Continued on page 87) 


Left to right: Rear—Norrington and Hardison; Front— White; H. P. Brogan, Clairton; William Z. Foster, 
Secretary of the National Committer for Organising Iron and Steel Workers; Mother Jones of the United 
Mine Workers; J. G. Brown, President of the Shingle Workers of America; W. R. Reilly, Homestead. 
Every member of this group has been arrested anywhere from one to eight times during the past summer in 
the Pittsburgh district. 

Copyright International 


15,00) Union Members in Mass Meeting, Brooksidc Park Stadium, Cleveland. September 14, the Day Before 

I he Strike 

At Gary 

Some Impressions and Interviews 
By Graham Taylor 


IN so critical a time as this it behooves one who 
would be just to those on both sides of the indus- 
trial cleavage and most of all loyal to the public, 
that third and greatest party to every such 
dispute, to take his impressions of such a crucial situation 
as that at Gary directly from those most representative 
of all interests at stake. Interviews were therefore 
secured with the mayor, authoritative representatives of 
the steel company and of the unions of its striking 
employes, and with the colonel commanding the United 
States military forces now in control of the city. 

The mayor of Gary's 80,000 people has not been 
superseded by the commandant, nor the city government 
by the military authorities. Civilian officials continue 
to function under the very general supervision of, and 
supplemented by, the army staff stationed here by Gen. 
Leonard Wood and its force of 1,200 or 1,500 men. 
They are here on requisition of the mayor and governor. 
Both forms of government have their headquarters at 
the city hall and cooperate closely and harmoniously. 
The police and the soldiers have their duties assigned 
independently, but at many points to the same intent. 
For instance, they guard the approaches to the mills, 
the police to allow only those bearing passes to go through 
their lines and the soldiers to patrol the points of possible 
conflict or disorder in lorries, in which they rapidly make 
their rounds. Police power both civil and military is 
alert in running down private liquor stills, which are 
prohibited both by the state and national laws. Vice 
resorts and vicious characters rarely escape the vigilance 
and quick action of both forces. Military prisoners under 
guard are detailed to supplement the city's street cleaners. 
Mayor W. F. Hodges impresses one as a man among 
men, affable and equable, and intending to be fair to 
the whole divided citizenship. His enthusiasm for the 

newly acquired park area, including a mile or more of 
the lake shore and 220 acres of Indiana sand dunes, is 
a harbinger of better times for Gary when its citizens 
settle down and pull together once more for the progress 
of the town and the happiness of its people. The fact 
that the Steel Corporation, which all these years has 
preoccupied twelve unbroken miles of lake shore directly 
in front of the city, donated 116 of these park acres, is a 
brighter omen of better relationships. This cooperation 
of the company with the city's interest, and other contacts 
of the mayor with its officials, have given occasion for 
criticizing him for leaning towards the company's side 
in this controversy. He was outspoken, however, in 
defending the right and justice of collective bargaining 
and in exonerating the responsible union officials from 
complicity with destructive radicalism. 

U. S. Military in Command 

Colonel Mapes did so likewise with equal emphasis, 
declaring the "reds" to be outside the unions entirely, 
or not identified with their officials and headquarters. 
Until recently the radicals centered at the rooms of the 
German Socialist organization, where the German 
imperial flag was the most conspicious emblem found on 
the premises. Now the "red" headquarters, so called. 
is on the south side of the city in the midst of a foreign 
section. Their leaders are said to be older men, scarcely 
any young men being found among them. The colonel's 
desk held placards in pictures and print, in Fnglish and 
other languages, more or less sensationally radical in 
their appeal to prejudice and passion. In dealing with 
citizens and with his men, with labor leaders and strikers, 
with union pickets and radical suspects. Colonel Mapes 
seems very straightforward and considerate, with a 
saving sense of humor and withal very human. His 
glee over running down a whiskey still by having his men 




follow a bottle secretly deposited on the highway in order 
to he filled was fairly infectious. His indignation and ac- 
tions against the man charged by a young girl with having 
imported her into Gary for immoral purposes were 
most wholesome. 

The headquarters of the steel workers' union is on the 
main street of the city and on the floor immediately above 
the sheriff's office and one of the courtrooms. It includes 
a suite of rooms for office and assembly purposes. 
Conspicuously hung on the wall of one of them was a 
placard containing the full text of the constitution of the 
United States. News bulletins from the strike zones 
were also posted. On a blackboard reserved for "an- 
nouncements" appeared the latest one — Engineers 
Ordered Out. There were only about fifty men in and 
about headquarters. ( Few of them are on the streets. 
( )pen air meetings of all kinds are prohibited. Crowds 
are dispersed. All indoor assemblies are allowed. One 
big outdoor meeting, under union control, was risked re- 
cently and called for no interference.) The central figure 
among the men was F. H. Dietrich, the manly, frank and 
conservative local union official in charge of the strike 
situation at Carv. He claimed that of the 18,000 steel 
workers not over 25 per cent are now at work. He in- 
sisted that the long shift of twenty-four hours when the 
day and night shifts change was still required of rollers, 
heaters and some machinists. This claim was verified 
by strikers from these groups. They said the eight-hour 
day is desired not only as "basic," but as the maximum 
period of work. While it was admitted that some men 
wanted to work longer to increase their wages by getting 
"time and a half for overtime." most of the men were 
said to prefer shorter hours at fair wages even though 
they made less money. But the complaint of hardship 
and injustice was made in behalf of common labor. 

On the Picket Line 
Men on the picket line and on the streets talked f reel v. 
unexcitedly and confidently to the same purport. The 
recent assurance that the American Federation of I^abor 
and some of its strong constituent unions had guaranteed 
what was termed "practically unlimited financial sup- 
port" evidently inspired the strikers with new hoj>e and 
courage to hold out until they win, as most of them still 
sincerely expected to do. 

( )n the contrary the company's claim that new men and 
old are coming to work in steadily growing numbers, the 
signs of increased activity at the mills, and the public im- 
pression of the situation agreed in asserting that the strike 
was waning. The facts were not readily ascertained, as 
no outsiders are "passed" to the mills. Between 6:30 
and 7 o'clock in one morning only about five hundred 
men were counted entering the mills through one of the 
main approaches, and some of these were said to be going 
in for their back pay and Liberty bonds. That morning 
a picket counted and listed only 172 union men returning 
to work. A newsboy just outside the picket line said he 
now sold only three hundred papers when he used to 
sell twelve hundred daily. Only about half of the smoke- 
stacks were seen by us to emit smoke. 

Of the radicals, or the "reds" as they are universally 
called, it is hard to judge. All others besides themselves 
disclaim personal or official connection with them. While 
many of their leaders and followers are of foreign birth 
and language, as are nearly all of those arrested so far, 
vet it seems hardly fair to credit quite all the peaceable 
and law-abiding strikers as "Americans" and all the law- 

less and violent element as "foreigners," especially in 
view of the fact of the great preponderance of the foreign 
elements among the whole body of workers in the employ 
of the steel industry. Certainly this indiscriminate dis- 
credit is not conducive to Americanization. Undoubt 
edly many, especially among the illiterate or non-English- 
speaking foreign workmen, have been misled to think that 
the steel mills are soon to be "taken over" by the work- 
ers. One of them, when arrested for beating up a strike- 
breaker, admitted that he did not want to stop work, yet 
when called out said he would not go back because when 
the workers took over the mills he would get less of a 
share in their ownership. On the other hand, a Republican 
alderman, formerly a steel worker, now a storekeeper 
but recognized as an advocate and supporter of the strike, 
when asked while under arrest whether he would quii 
agitating if he were discharged, replied: "If I am dis- 
satisfied with the government, it is my fault. My vote 
must improve it. I do not believe in violence ; the onlv 
way to get ideas in men's heads is by education. We do 
not need bolshevism in this country. We can change our 
law as soon as we are educated enough." 

Before two hundred delegates from the Chicago Dis- 
trict Council for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers, 
th? secretary summed up the arguments for the resolu- 
tion "denouncing all reds and all connection with radicals" 
by saying : "There has been some red propaganda going 
on. Red papers, handbills and notices have been found in 
barns and secluded corners in great numbers. We want 
it known that the union has nothing to do with this. The 
I. W. W. has even denounced this program and has moved 
their organization from two of the cities." 
The Steel Company's Stand 
From "authoritative sources" it was learned that the 
steel company insists that the agitation for the strike at 
( lary was initiated by the radical influences there, with 
violent s|)eech which was not repudiated by the union 
officials recognized to be conservative. The majority of 
workers, it was claimed, desired to earn more than they 
could in an eight-hour day and favored it onlv to increase 
their wages by working overtime at higher rates of pay. 
A gang of men working for the subsidiary land company 
once struck to secure twelve hours' work instead of 
eight. The twenty-four hour shift was admitted to be 
required in some steel plants and was said to have been 
discontinued in others for three or four years. Collective 
bargaining was favored in one plant at Indiana Harbor 
by an organization of the workers limited to the employes 
of the plant. With apparent sincerity of conviction/ the 
present policy of the steel company to decline all deal- 
ings with trade unions and their officials outside the 
ranks of their own employes was defended as a public 
defense against radicalism, notwithstanding the equally 
sincere conviction of many other business men and public- 
spirited citizens that this stand against dealing with regu- 
larly organized labor and against collective bargaining 
recruits the ranks of radicals and intensifies their radical- 
ism. The radicals themselves believe the failure of this, 
strike will do this. And the com-ervative men in the 
leadership and in the rank and file of organized labor 
seem to confirm this claim by their fear of the weakening 
of their influence and the possible overthrow of their 

Such are the facts impartially sought, personally ob- 
served and truthfully reported. 

October 21, 1919. ' 

How the Steel Strike Was Organized 

An Exhibit of the New Labor Technique 

By David J. Saposs 

[Mr. Saposs is industrial investigator for the Division of Industrial and Economic Amalga- 
mation, Carnegie Americanization Study. He was earlier associated with Professor Commons 
and others in preparing a joint volume on the History of Labor in the United States, zvas a mem- 
ber of the field staff of the United States Commission on Industrial Relations and later economic 
expert of the New York Department of Labor for which lie itwestigated accident prevention and 
industrial service work. — Editor.] 

The steel strike brings to light new developments 
in the labor movement with which even close 
followers are but faintly familiar. The American 
Federation of Labor has been undergoing a quiet 
but distinct transformation within recent vears. It is 
still a very loose federation of 111 national and inter- 
national (the labor organizations having members in 
Canada call themselves international) trade unions. 
These affiliate with it to protect whatever interests the}' 
have in common. But the American Federation of Labor 
has no mandatory power over any of its constituent 
bodies. The most it can do is to expel them if they refuse 
to abide by its decisions. Each national or international 
union is an autonomous body with absolute and final 
control over its own problems. This means that with 
respect to strikes the American Federation of Labor has 
no power whatever. The usual practice under the princi- 
ple of trade autonomy is for each craft to conduct its 
own organizing campaigns and its own strikes. Other 
labor organizations may render financial aid, but are 
not expected to join in an organizing campaign or a 
strike. Each national or international union is virtually 
a law unto itself, and generally self-sufficient. 

The coming together of twenty-four national and in- 
ternational trade unions to carry on a joint organizing 
Campaign in the steel industry is, therefore, unprecedent- 
ed in the annals of the American labor movement. The 
building trades unions, to be sure, formed an alliance 
some years ago, parth- to eliminate the numerous strikes 
caused by jurisdictional controversies between unions 
over undefined portions of work, and partly to regulate 
the use of the sympathetic strike in aid of any one organ- 
ization. Similarly the four railroad brotherhoods some- 
time since ipaugurated the so-called concerted wage 
movements, whereby the wages and workingconditions 
.of their members are negotiated at the same time, in- 
stead of presenting individual demands separately and 
at different dates. 

Hut these were actions of highly skilled workers al- 
ready marshalled into powerful individual craft unions. 
Within recent years, however, unorganized, unskilled, 
and semi-skilled workers in the factory trades have been 
organized through the joint effort of a number of labor 
organizations. Coupled with this is the agreement to 
carry on joint negotiations, and to strike as a unit if 
amicable < ljustment is not attainable. This is a new 
departure for unions affiliated with the American Feder- 
ation of L, r )or. 

The change in this mode of procedure was brought 
about by the rapid concentration in industry and the 
introduction of processes not needing highly skilled 
workers. At present, a single firm, owning and opera- 
ting a chain of plants throughout the country, employs 
workers coming under the jurisdiction of a dozen, or, 
as in the steel industry, two dozen different unions. 


Naturally this corporation development presented diffi- 
cult problems for the various craft unions. One craft 
union found itself helpless in attempting to organize the 
workers of its craft. The electricians' union, for ex- 
ample, found it hard to get men of their craft employed 
in a congregate industr}' to join when other workers in 
the same industry were not members of their respective 
craft organizations. Even if the}' succeeded in organ- 
izing their own craft and called a strike they soon found 
themselves replaced by other workers. Labor saving 
devices and division of labor makes it possible to replace 
the strikers in short time. With few exceptions, work- 
ers are no longer skilled mechanics. The electrical work 
has been divided into a number of branches so that im- 
migrants with a smattering of English are now doing 
electrical work under the guidance of a highly skilled 
mechanic. This is true of the other groups — the black- 
smiths, stationary engineers, and so on. Under such 
conditions a strike by an individual craft, without con- 
sulting the other workers, or without these being mem- 
bers of labor unions, has often meant only a replace- 
ment of the strikers by others trained in a few days to 
perform the particular work. 

Trade unions have also learned that it is useless to 
call a strike against one plant of a firm operating a 
chain of plants. If one plant is shut down by a strike 
orders can lie transferred to the other plants and filled 
there. In earlier years, it was customary for trade 
unions to concentrate on one plant at a time in building 
up the union. This was effective and practicable as long 
as a firm owned only one plant. Now, a strike can only 
he effective by closing down all the plants belonging to 
. a firm. 

The result has been that the so-called trustified in- 
dustries have remained unorganized. Students of labor 
have questioned it they would ever be organized by the 
old methods. The radicals outside and within the 
American Federation of Labor have pointed to these in- 
dustries as proof that the A. F. of L. philosophy of 
trade autonomy is antiquated - has outlived its use- 

But new conditions led to new methods of coping 
with them. Some years ago several labor leaders of the 
North-West conceived the idea of bringing together the 
various craft unions who claimed jurisdiction over 
workers in the railway shops of the Northern Pacific 
and Great Northern Railways, for a concerted organ- 
izing campaign. Their efforts were rewarded with such 
success, that they decided to present their demands 
jointly instead of following the old custom of each craft 
union presenting its demands separately. After a tussle, 
the managements of the two railroads settled with 
them. Here then was a new model in the labor move- 
ment that accomplished the seemingly impossible bv 


forcing two large railway systems to come to terms 
with its shop employes. Naturally it was copied on other 
railway systems, and we are now familiar with the 
system federation of railway shop workers. (The shop 
workers must not be confused with the Brotherhoods 
who include the highly skilled workers in the operat- 
ing end.) The next step was to bringthe various system 
federations together into a railway employes depart- 
ment and the new model was complete. The strength of 
this form of organization is fresh in the minds of the pub- 
lic, as it required the appeal of the President of the 
United States to keep the shop men from tying up the 
railroads of the country last summer. A strike of over 
a week crippled transportation in New England and 

other sections. 

The metal trades have also a department in the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor and have pursued this polic}' 
with cumulative results. 

The difference between the old and new form in the 
railway shops is this: Formerly each national or inter- 
national craft union had absolute control over its own' 
members, and bargained separately with the employers. 
Under the new model the individual craft organizations 
still retain control, for disciplinary and financial pur- 
poses, of their own members, but for bargaining purposes 
or carrying on business negotiations with the employers 
they no longer act alone. Now a super- structure of all 
the unions having members in the industry is formed -- 
a system federation, and railway employes department 
of the railway shop workers -- enabling them to face 
the employers jointly, and in case of a strike] to attempt 
to tie up not a department, or plant, but all the rail- 
wa}' shops if an amicable adjustment is not reached. 

Of the producing industries in which foreign workers 
predominate, the packing industry was the first to which 
the new model was applied. Since 1904 the teamsters 
union had been the onl\- one receiving recognition in the 
Chicago stock \-ards. All the other workers were un- 
organized. In 1917, the Chicago Federation of Labor, 
a subsidiary body of the American Federation of Labor, 
undertook to initiate a concerted organizing campaign 
in the packing industry. Twelve international and 
national craft unions were brought together and joined 
in inaugurating an enthusiastic organizing campaign. 
Because of the large proportion of immigrant and Negro 
workers — practically all of them unacquainted with 
labor organizations and their methods — the task was 
naturally more difficult than in the railway shops; hut by 
the use of foreign language literature, foreign language 
and Negro organizers, a large enough membership was 
enlisted to make it necessary for the secretary of war to 
require the packers to arbitrate with the workers in 
order to avert crippling the industry while the war was 
on. United States Circuit Judge Samuel Alschuler, who 
was chosen as arbitrator, has since rendered two awards 
granting substantial wage increases, as well as an eight 
hour da\ T and better working conditions. At present 
the packing industry is strongly organized. 

William Z. Foster, now secretary of the National Com- 
mittee for Organizing the Iron and Steel Industr\-, con- 
ceived the idea of organizing the packing industr3', and 
was the secretary of that campaign. He is a self-educat- 
ed man, barely in the prime of life. Although born in 
Massachusetts, his activity in the labor movement. had 
been confined to the far and mid-West. He had traveled 
and studied labor conditions abroad, and had "knocked" 
around considerably in this country'. He is a natural 
born student, modest, retiring, with a practical grasp 
of labor theories and tactics. At one time he was a 
meml>er of the I. W. W. f but abandoned that organi- 

zation because he came to view it as too sectarian and 

He considers that its denial of membership to non- 
revolutionary -workers narrows its function to propa- 
ganda purposes only. An organization, he now holds, 
that aims to better the economic conditions of workers 
should include all bona fide wage workers regardless of 
their religious, political and social beliefs. On the whole, 
this is the attitude of the A.F. of L. Furthermore he is 
out of sympathy with the lax methods of the I. W. W. 
It's discouragement of the accumulation of large strike 
funds and its inability to discipline the rank and file has, 
regardless of its theories, kept it from becoming a stable 
labor organization. The A. F. of L. on the other hand, 
has these qualities and is therefore able to serve the 
workers. Neither is Foster in sympathy with the one 
big union idea which would scramble together the 
workers of the various crafts and industries into a half 
dozen departments, such as a transportation depart- 
ment, amusement 'trades department, etc. This he re- 
gards as artificial and visionary. He has identified him- 
self with the structural organizing methods used in the 
packing and steel industries. 

Upon leaving the I. W. W. he joined the union of his 
craft, namely, the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen. 
Because of his intelligence and organizing ability he was 
soon made a national was in the course of 
work as an employe in the Stock Yards that the idea of 
carrying on a concerted organizing campaign in the 
packing industr3 T occurred to him. He took it to John 
Fitzpatrick, president of the Chicago . Federation of 
Labor, who immediately recognized its possibilities and 
undertook to secure its endorsement by the Chicago 
Federation of Labor and the international unions affect- 
ed. Fitzpatrick has been president of the Chicago Fed- 
eration of Labor for over fifteen years and has an en- 
viable record as a capable leader and honest champion 
of labor. He is a burly Irishman with the faculty of 
"putting things across." He is regarded as a liberal or 
progressive labor leader in that he favors independent 
labor political action with its concomitant progressive 
legislative and political demands. . Last spring he was 
candidate for ma}'or on -the. new Chicago -Labor Party 
ticket and has been instrumental in calling a conference 
in Chicago this fall for the formation of a national labor 
party.In contrast, the leaders in control of the American 
Federation of Labor have consistently frowned upon 
independent labor political action. At its last convention, 
many- of the planks of the independent labor parties 
were refused endorsement when presented in resolution 
form. Among these were demands for amnesty for polit- 
ical prisoners and for lifting the Russian blockade. 

Foster and Fitzpatrick are now again associated as 
secretary and chairman respectively of the National 
Committee for organizing the iron and steel industry. 

Inspired by the success of the campaign in the packing 
industry, the Chicago Federation of Labor sent Foster 
as its delegate to the 1918 St. Paul convention of the 
' American Federation of Labor with instructions to in- 
troduce a resolution calling upon the various inter- 
national and national unions claiming jurisdiction over 
workers in the iron and steel industry to join in a con- 
certed campaign to organize them. The resolution was 
unanimously adopted with the result that twenty-four 
internationals volunteered to associate. Samuel Gom- 
pers was chosen chairman, and William Z. Foster, secre- 
tary, of the committee entrusted with this campaign. 
Because Gompers was called upon to serve various labor 
missions that necessitated his spending considerable time 
abroad, he was unable to give his personal attention to 


the campaign. John Fitzpatrick was designated acting 
chairman, and at the Atlantic City meeting of the 
National Committee, Gompers resigned the chairmanship. 
Fitzpatrick was then made permanent chairman. 

The difficulties in the way of organizing the iron and 
steel industry were many. Over half of the workers are 
immigrants unacquainted with American trade union- 
ism, speaking a dozen or more tongues, and skeptical of 
everything American because of the impositions practis- 
ed upon them by labor and other fakers. On the whole, 
though, the immigrant has joined more readil}' than the 
native. The former feels himself helpless unless he is as- 
sociated with others. He feels the need of leadership and 
expert guidance. At home he has been accustomed to 
perform difficult tasks with the co-operation of his neigh- 
bors. Here he generally works in gangs or under close 
supervision. All his experiences make for the develop- 
ment of a strong herd instinct. The native American 
on the other hand is the privileged worker. He usually 
holds a skilled position, and is full of self-confidence be- 
cause he is allowed to exercise his initiative and can 
meet the foreman and superior officers on a footing of 
equality. During the war the young American was pro- 
moted time and again because of the scarcity of skilled 
labor so that he came to feel himself comparatively well 
off. Not only doesheconsider himselfabove the "hunky" 
and "wop" socially, but he does not feel the need of the 
union because he thinks he can get ahead as an indi- 
vidual. Nevertheless many native workers joined the 

An extensive campaign was carried on in most of the 
steel centers. At a conference of iron and steel workers 
held in Pittsburgh last May delegates were present from 
every steel center in the country. Alabama, Colorado 
and Minnesota were represented with those from the 
steel centers of the mid-West and East. All in all, 600 
delegates were present. Even then a spirit of unrest 
permeated the conference and only conservative leader- 
ship forestalled premature action. 

The response of the workers in centers where the 
unions were not unduly interfered with 1)3' the public 
authorities is a tribute to the understanding of mass 
psychology on the part of the labor leaders. It is also 
a reflection on the lack of understanding of this phase 
of human nature by the steel mill officials. Judge Gary 
gave as one of his reasons for declining to meet with 
the coniiuittee of the steel workers that they did not 
represent them. He must have had means of ascertain- 
ing the exact progress of the organizing campaign, for 
Fitzpatrick stated before the Senate Committee that 
only 5 per cent ofthe workers had become union members 
when the strike was called. This also explains the reply 
ofthe representatives ofthe steel workers that the only 
way to prove whether they represented a majority of 
the workers was by calling a strike. 

What Gary and his advisers overlooked, what the 
labor leaders were cognizant of, were the following facts: 
The steel officials gauged the trade union sentiment on 
the basis of enrollment in the unions. The labor leaders 
knew from experience in past strikes that thousands of 
workers were in sympathy with the union hut refrained 
from joining for fear of discharge. They also knew that 
in an unorganized industry where the workers are more 
or less intimidated by company officials only the more 
daring — those with initiative and fearlessness — join 
the union readily. But the others almost invariably' 
follow them when it comes to a show of hands. This 
is especially true of unskilled ami immigrant workers, 
who feel helpless unless they act as a mass, since they 
can easilv ! > . -. ■• • ced. 

In addition to the grievances of the workers as pre- 
sented by their leaders, other conditions existed in the 
steel centers favorable to the union. The restlessness 
which permeates the country at present was accentuat- 
ed by the policies ofthe steel corporation in working its 
employes long hours. Newspaper accounts recorded al- 
most daily that the eight-hour day was being intro- 
duced in other industries. In the steel industry it was 
merely a basic eight-hour day. In the same neighbor- 
hoods, workers were earning as much or more in eight 
hours as the steel workers earned in ten to twelve hours. 
Observers on the ground have asserted that the steel 
corporation's policy has been seemingly to keep the 
workers satisfied by improving working conditions, and 
to keep them at work ten and twelve hours a day so 
that they would earn fair wages, but be too tired to 
interest themselves in agitational campaigns. How- 
ever this may be, the course pursued has had the op- 
posite effect. The workers were too tired to enjoy their 
earnings, which was but an additional irritant. In 
this state of mind a strike is like a spree to a man, who 
besides having grievances, has also kept his nose to the 
grindstone for a long time. 

The steel strike has again demonstrated that, in un- 
organized industries with large numbers of unskilled 
workers, membership in the union is not the sole nor the 
prime criterion of trade union sentiment. Some of the 
largest and most successful strikes have been called with 
but a small percentage of the workers enrolled in the 
union. The best known of these was the anthracite 
coal strike of 1900, when John Mitchell, like Fitzpatrick 
and Foster, was denounced as an outsider from the soft 
coal fields. The membership of the United Mine Work- 
ers in the anthracite district at that time barely reach- 
ed the 8,000 mark, yet when the strike was called only 
about 10 per cent out of the 144-.000 workers failed to 

Close followers of the labor movement regard the 
outcome of this strike as highh- significant in its bearing 
upon the future forms of organization and control. The 
practicall\ r unlimited resources of the U. S. Steel Corp- 
oration are pitted against the comparatively small re- 
sources ofthe twentj'-four internationals. Still these 
unions combined have a membership of 2,000,000 out- 
side of the steel industry, and some of them are the 
most powerful in the country, having strike funds rail- 
ing into the hundreds of thousands. Moreover, im- 
migrant workers have the faculty of making a dollar go 
a long way in times of stress. Many have money 
saved. They have repeatedly shown themselves the 
most self-sacrificing during strike periods. In the Law- 
rence and other textile strikes the immigrant workers 
remained out from three to six months without asking 
or expecting financial aid. The financial aid of other 
labor organizations is also to be counted on. 

Underlying the conflict is the apprehension that labor 
must win this strike or suffer a reverse that may destroy 
much of its prestige. Labor feels this and regards 
the steel strike as affecting the entire labor movement. 
Winning the strike will enable the old guard to stave 
off its radical enemies who have pointed to the unorgan- 
ized steel iiidustr}' as evidence of the fallacy of conser- 
vative craft unionism. Similarly, as labor men see it, 
a successful strike in the steel industry will put "the 
fear of God" into the hearts of non-union employers. 
On the other hand, losing this strike would discredit the 
conservative element in the A. F. of L. and might give- 
the radicals the ascendency. It might also he a signal 
for a concerted attack by anti-union employers to com- 
pletely wipe out xh labor movement. 


This coinnwn cause of disease in the labor camp has been eliminated in I he screened model dining lent 

California's Labor Camps 

By Christina Krysto 

IT seemed perhaps of little consequence — a bill which, early 
in the spring of 1919, was passed by the California 
legislature, a bill entitled " An act to amend an act regu- 
lating rhe sanitation and ventilation of camps where five or 
more persons are employed, and providing for the violation 
thereof." But behind this bill and behind the bill which it is 
destined to strengthen there lies a long story, the story of a 
vast social experiment which succeeded. 

In 1 91 3 there was created in California the State Commis- 
sion of Immigration and Housing. The expressed purpose of 
this commission was " to protect and aid immigrants in Cali- 
fornia." The "creating act gave to this commission many 
powers and many responsibilities. The housing conditions 
under which the foreign-born were likely to live, educational 
opportunities which might be extended to them, the adjust- 
ment of unnumbered difficulties in the path of those foreign 
born, assistance in obtaining employment, assistance in obtain- 
ing tand — all this and very much more was given into the 
hands of the commission. And one of the additional responsi- 

bilities with which it was entrusted was the work of labor 
camp inspection and sanitation. 

About 90 per cent of all rhe foreign-born who come to Cali- 
fornia are laborers. Many of these live in the labor camps 
which are scattered throughout the state, camps connected with 
industries which give them employment, such as lumber, oil. 
mining, railroad-construction, cotton, rice, beets, seasonal fruits 
and other agricultural products. The placing of the super- 
vision of these camps into the hands of the commission offered 
one of the greatest opportunities for service both to the indi- 
viduals located in these camps and to the state as a whole. 

The commission's primary interest in these labor camps was 
through the fact that considerably more than 50 per cent of 
all the men who lived there were foreign-born. But when one 
considers the benefits which have been brought to the other 
40-odd per cent and to this entire state through the improved 
camps, it becomes clear how far those benefits have gone 
beyond the limits set fortli in the commission's creating act. 
For clean camps do not mean merely better living conditions 
within the camp itself. Prior to the undertaking of the work 

/ h 


.rperiments in the erection of cheap yet sanitary small unit tent huts haze proved the old-fashioned 
bunk house an unnecessary evil 





Having conquered most of urban America, the sanitary bin, 

case-breeding dump 

the labor camp constituted a well-recognized source of com- 
municable diseases which were brought into the crowded room- 
ing houses of the city when the laborers came in over Sunday. 
In a like manner the general carelessness and laxity of life ir. 
camps influenced the men who lived there no matter where 
they went. Physically and morally the cleaning up of camps 
has reflected upon life in general throughout the state. 

As for early labor camp conditions of California even the 
relentless tales of eye-witnesses and the still more relentless 
tales of the kodak will fail to convince thoroughly those to 
whom the tales are told. There are only two classes of people 
who really know the story — the men who lived in these early 
camps and the camp inspectors of the commission who, inch by 
inch, fought their battle of improvement. 

There were no beaten paths for these inspectors to follow. 
The commission itself was new, setting out upon a definite 
work of pioneering. Likewise the camp department could find 
no precedent for its work. And perhaps for that reason the 
commission approached its task humbly, eager to learn before 
it would teach, and perhaps for that reason too its work, once 
done, stood firm. Furthermore, this approach brought out a 
fact upon which the entire scheme of the improvement of 
camps was built — the fact that camp operators were at fault 
not so much through wilful neglect or a sense of economy as 
through thoughtlessness and habit. Workmen had always 
lived so — ; why should any change be made? " Anything " had 
always been " good enough " for " those fellows "; why should 
the established order be disturbed? 


owing to the commission's efforts, is now defeating the dis- 
in its last stronghold 

In California, the beginning of camp inspection by the com- 
mission is definitely connected with the famous Wheatland 
hop field riots. Among people interested in social progress the 
efforts of the commission in camp improvement needed no 
defense, but for the general public there was need of the 
dramatic presentation such as the riot afforded, to show that 
the idea of improvement was unquestionably right. 

In August of 191 3 there occurred a riot among the pickers 
on one of the hop ranches near Wheatland. It was a riot 
which stirred the entire state with its ugly features of violence 
and bloodshed. Four men, two of them police officials and the 
other two pickers, were killed. The rioting pickers claimed 
that violence on their part was due chiefly to the living condi- 
tions of the camp in which they lived. Accordingly the com- 
mission set out to conduct a thorough investigation backed by 
both the state and the federal government. The investigation 
brought out the unspeakable condition of the camp. The three 
thousand people gathered there, men, women and children, 
were herded together in an unprotected, sun-baked field, 
unbearably hot during the day. There were a few tents; the 
majority of people however were not provided for and either 
had to construct rude shelters of poles and gunny sacks or 
sleep out upon the ground. 

There was — from the start — a scarcity of drinking water, 
and the condition became more alarming from day to day. 
Some of the wells were pumped dry. Others became infected 
from the surface water which drained back from stagnant 


// you must have canvas tents, says the commission, learn to set them ul> decently and arranged so as to provide the 

maximum of health and comfort 




(i leash room in a construction camp (below), un- 
known in the days before inspection (above) 

for improvement. And then being met with the questions, 
How and when, and How much shall we improve? found that 
verbal suggestion alone carried little weight. It was then that 
the first camp sanitation pamphlet came into being, a mere 
leaflet of hastily prepared rules. Armed with this leaflet, the 
inspectors set out anew. 

From the start, cooperation was the keynote of the inspectors, 
and of subsequent recommendations. The financial condition 
of the operator was always taken into consideration and no 
" frills " were mentioned. Nor were there any frills attached 
to the traveling of the inspectors. One ceases to wonder at 
the care which the " old timers " give to their little cars today 
when one has heard the history of their early traveling. The 
commission's appropriation did not permit such luxuries as 
Fords. Inspectors went about by railroad, by stage, on horse- 
back. But ofttimes none of these was available. The first 
big job of one of the men was a forty-mile hike over a moun- 
tain grade, inspecting the construction camps of a railroad in 
the process of building. On this walk he saw many things. 
Men were sleeping in " double-deck " wood bunks, ten men in 
a 12 x 14 tent. The tents were not waterproof and the rain- 
water seeped through and stood in puddles on the dirt floor. 
Dining and cooking tents were not screened ; some were even 
without doors. The garbage was conveniently disposed of- by 
pitching it out the kitchen door, and its final disposal was left 
to hogs which were kept in camp for that purpose. (Being 
scavengers for the entire camp these hogs took unwarranted 
iberties, and dining room, sleeping tent and kitchen alike were 

pools formed near garbage and refuse piles. The workers 
coming in from the fields sweat-soaked, covered with dust and 
thirsty, found no decent water to relieve them. And all das- 
long they worked in the hot sun. 

Sanitary facilities were almost wholly lacking. There were, 
of course, no baths or showers, and the toilets, totally 
inadequate in number and wholly lacking in privacy, soon 
become unspeakably foul. Sickness followed as a matter fjf 
course, typhoid and malaria and dysentery. Flies swarmed in 
the toilets and the piles of garbage, attacked the food, and 
plastered the faces of the helpless babies. 

This first investigation led to further efforts. It was 
definitely determined that the one hop ranch cited was not 
an exception; that throughout the state living conditions in 
camps were bad. The task of improving them, however, 
brought out a new difficulty. There was, in the beginning, 
no legal authority behind the duties given to the commission. 
The existing camp sanitation act was very general and wholly 
inadequate and — even such as it was — was not given into the 
hands of the commission for enforcement. So the inspectors 
went out into the field merely as advisers, knowing that 
lasting results could be obtained only through the education 
of the public in general and camp operators in particular. 

But the education itself was uphill work. There were, to 
begin with, no definite plans or standards of building to offer 
in place of the standards condemned. The inspectors went 
out and looked the camps over, found them wretched and asked 

<-«*£ i 6*»r*- 


receive attention in camp improvement. The com- 
post pit shozi'U below does away with flies 

THE SURVEY FOR N O V E M.B E R 8 > ' ? l 9 


favored with their visits.) In 1914, there was not a single 
bath in a railroad construction camp in California, 

The lumber camps, were little better. The suggestion of a 
bath for " lumber jacks " was met with jeers, and some of 
these jeers came from the lumber jacks themselves. " Expect 
us to take a bath? Not on your life! " Yet a year later 
when the baths installed had ceased to be a novelty, men fought 
for their turn at the showers. 

The inspectors went on with their work. But, from the 
start, much thought was given to the possible strengthening of 
the camp sanitation law. And when the commission had been 
in the field some eight months a new law was drafted, no 
longer dealing in generalities but giving specific requirements 
and regulations. This law was passed by the legislature of 
1915, and its enforcement placed directly in the hands of 
the commission. Even with this weapon in its hands the com- 
mission preferred to go on in its original role of adviser and 
cooperator — and although the new powers gave it the right to 
enforce its rules, the word advisory in the title of its camp 
sanitation pamphlet has never been changed. In the words of 
its chief camp inspector its mode of procedure is summarized : 

We talk and advise and argue and plead and explain (and urge) 
and only where none of this helps do we turn to the law. 

So one of the remarkable things in the records of the 
camp department is the unbelievably small number of arrests. 
And another remarkable thing is that the commission has 


which distinguishes a home, even a temporary one, from a 
bunk — the regard for appearances 


shown above is by no means one of the worst found. 
The one below was constructed as a model 

never lost a case, although all cases are tried in local courts. 
The method of disposing of the cases after conviction also 
contains an interesting feature. For no fine is exacted from the 
offending camp operator. Instead, a suspended sentence is 
given, with instructions from the court to comply with the 
rules of the commission, failure to comply meaning contempt 
of court. In this way the commission has a perpetual legal 
check on the conduct of the camp owner. Yet, at times, arrest 
comes very swiftly and the inspectors feel the gratifying glow 
of a deed well done. And that is when a camp has been made 
sanitary and up to standard, has been thoroughly approved by 
an inspector and then, in a few months, through utter neglect, 
has been permitted to deteriorate into wretched chaos. Such 
camps are still met with — the most flagrant example of such 
neglect having been discovered in the summer of 1918 — and 
the extent of this neglect can readily be seejt from the photo- 
graphs reproduced here. 

Perhaps the achievements in Imperial Valley stand out more 
clearly than any others of recent months, not because the results 
in themselves are greater, but because the difficulties encount- 

[Continued on page 76] 

Labor Camps 


The Si 

This story of the pr 
Housing Commission an 
districts is in a sense a 
of the l<wo state commis 
dent of the commission, . 
Lubin, head of the firm 
towing the armistice, A) 
•would affect emigration 

In collaboration withi 
the commission, Mr. Luli 
ing our shortcomings h\ 
into the social aspects o,t 
perience of other country 
prospects of future mi> 
<will lead up to the pr. 
Building." The first a\ 


WHICH of these camps is 
likely to produce the 
healthier, more efficient and 
more contented workmen ? The 
one above is typical of scores of 
railroad, oil and timber camps 
found all over the state. Those 
below show stages of the com- 
mission's demonstration. 

The two in the center illustrate 
a new type of lumber camp. 
The permanent camp below is 
the result of rivalry between the 
oil companies. The little tent 
colony to the right below is typ- 
ical of the provision made under 
the commission's oversight for 
constructors of highways. 



It 10 

of America 

lj) ( i f the California Immigration and 
camps of the great oil and fruit 
The California commission is one 
oration in this country. The presi- 
>n six years ago, has been Simon J. 
,j ( ju luiin and Co., of Sacramento. Fol- 
■0i) I abroad to study conditions which 

M& * former member of the staff of 

itt a series of fiv-e articles, analyz- 

' j,»: immigration in the past, inquiring 

■ i0 s of nationality, considering the ex- 

iUr«( * r J' movements and casting up the 

, |ir , I United States. These instalments 

( j ( | It American program for "Nation 

if'ar in cui early issue 




[Continued from page 73] 
ered are without a parallel in the state. The heat in Imperial 
Valley is terrific. The various industries there have grown 
very rapidly — too rapidly to permit the proper preparation for 
the ever increasing number of laborers. Absentee land owner- 
ship is the rule; therefore the men who actually operate the 
camps have no interest in lasting improvements. It is very 
difficult to fix responsibility for proper housing conditions, and 
therefore these housing conditions have no reference whatever 
to houses. The water question offers a big problem, as all 
available water comes through open ditches and is laden with 

How Hoboes Were Made 

The heat, the dust, the absence of good water, the frequent 
winds which swept through the unsheltered "camps" which 
the men were able to construct out of blankets and limbs of 
bushes made working conditions the worst imaginable. There 
were no storing places of any sort, and clothes and towels had 
to be tied to fences to prevent their being blown away. In the 
meantime the ranches were growing and increasing; there was 
an even greater demand for labor, and the already unbelievable 
turnover increased with the demand. Many a laborer acquired 
his first " hobo " inclinations by tramping from ranch to ranch 
through the valley in his search for decent living conditions. 
Over all the ranches there hung a sullen discontent, the 
workers, mostly Mexicans, staying only when they had decided 
that there was no other place to go. Yet walk-outs too were 
frequent — but whenever a crowd of workmen left a ranch in 
the hope of finding better conditions elsewhere, a new horde 
was available, coming from a ranch near by in a like desolate 
hope of improvement. The ranch owners could not plead 
insufficient profit, for the valley paid rich returns on invest- 

Into this hotbed of discontent the camp inspectors of the 
commission descended for an intensive campaign. Here the 
methods of sanitation and construction which had been worked 
out elsewhere had to be completely revised. Tents of the 
airiest design had to be erected, with special ventilation 
arrangements to protect the workers from the heat. Meat 
houses and coolers were of prime importance. The water 
supply had to be provided for, and huge settling tanks had to 
be erected at all camps to permit the clarifying of the muddy 
water. Baths were very difficult to provide though absolutely 
essential to any degree of comfort. 

Work in the valley was slow. But the commission knew 
that here, more than anywhere else, the first good results would 
assure the popularity of the work, for always the greatest aid 
in the work of camp improvement was the immediate increase 
in the number of laborers seeking work, and nowhere else in 
the state was a stable labor supply more desirable. Results 
came even more quickly than the inspectors themselves had 

As soon as the first large cotton grower had been converted 
and had built model bunk houses, screened kitchen and dining 
quarters, had put up tanks which gave enough pressure for 
bathing facilities, had provided for the cleaning up of the 
grounds and buildings, streams of men from all over the valley 
began to head toward his ranch. On all the dusty roads which 
led to this ranch men could be encountered walking patiently 
through the heat, going in the direction of the better camp. 
Very soon men had to be turned away. And then the other 
ranchers turned a very ready ear to the suggestions of the com- 

All this was but three years ago. The first steps in improve- 
ment were screened tents, a decent protection from the heat 
and flies. Showers came next and adequate wash rooms. Now 
they are building large houses, water is piped from the settling 
tanks through the camp, the drinking water is filtered. Opera- 
tors have come to realize that because of adverse climatic condi- 
tions, men of the desirable type need extra incentives to come 
into the valley. And they are providing those extra incentives. 
And, somehow, the work does not stop with houses and baths. 
Somehow, as soon as men begin to live decently, their desire 
for better things in fields other than material develops also. 
No sooner had one of the big Imperial ranches changed its 
plane of living through model housing than a truck was some- 
how provided to take the children ot the camp to a distant 
school. No one knew just why the idea came and was acted 
upon ; no one had thought of it when those children had slept 
under bushes and at night had tied their clothes to fences to 
keep them from being blown away. 

This latter is true not alone of the Imperial Valley. Better 
living conditions in camps could not be confined to housing 
alone. Cleaner clothes followed naturally in the wake of 
clean houses, cleaner habits followed clean clothes. A finer 
type of men began to seek the camps, their habits acting as an 
example to those who had long ago become careless and slug- 
gish and coarse. And now labor camps are becoming habitable 
not only for men, but for the wives and children of these men. 
The rough character of the camps, the air of their being a 
temporary stopping place for homeless tramps, is gradually 
giving way to an atmosphere of permanence and contentment. 
As soon as these camps become fit places for women to live in, 
the women not only come but stay, and the entire moral tone 
is improved. 

Similarly, a desire for healthful recreation on the part of the 
workmen and a readiness on the part of the camp operators to 
help with this is steadily becoming more pronounced. Phono- 
graphs, pool facilities, reading rooms, and even moving picture 
theaters are being recognized as good investment by the very 
men who some five years ago spoke of the camp inspectors as 

Teaching Citizenship 

Nor are the needs of the immigrant women and their chil- 
dren in these camps forgotten. In 191 7 the home teacher bill 
was drafted by the commission and made a law by the legisla- 
ture. The movement is still in its beginning in the state and 
the home teacher, created especially for the congested city 
districts, has not yet reached the rural communities. But, in 
the camps which lie near the large cities, that home teacher 
finds a rich field for her work. 

In a far greater measure, the foreign language speakers of 
the commission combine their work with that of the camp 
inspectors wherever that work deals definitely with the immi- 
grant. These agents go up and down the state of California, 
stopping wherever groups of foreign-born are to be found, and 
this brings them frequently into the larger labor camps. Their 
talks are always informal, always friendly, and always they 
shape these talks to fit the needs at hand. They act as media- 
tors between the employer and the foreign-born employe, they 
make peace between the various factions of the immigrants 
themselves, they are traveling bureaus of information wherever 
they go, explaining questions perplexing to the foreign-born, 
questions which no one before them had taken the trouble to 
make clear. Throughout their work they act on the realiza- 
tion that the men from alien shores are most in need of under- 



standing America when America's language is still unknown 
to them. And perhaps both the spirit of the commission itself 
and the attitude of its men toward their work can best be 
given by quoting from a report of a Spanish-speaking agent 
who went into the Imperial Valley with the camp inspectors 
and worked among the foreign-born there, the despised 
" Mexes " from just across the border: 

Ranch after ranch was devoid of accommodations given horses. 
When a Mexican asked for shelter he was told that he had the sky 
for. a roof ; when he asked for a bed he was told he had acres of 
land to lie on ; when he asked for water he was referred to ditches 
to drink from and in which to bathe. He slept on the warm side 
of a levee, huddled like a dog, often without blankets. If he boarded 
himself he cooked in the open, he always drank from ditches, and 
the water in these ditches is liquid mud. 

The employer justifies himself by saying that the Mexican has 
nothing in his own country, so why should he expect it here? But 
in his own country no one expects efficiency from him, yet it is de- 
manded here and here too he comes in contact with our civilization 
of which we are very proud. 

The fault is largely with the employer. Occasionally, however, 
I find discontent even when good accommodations are given. And 
here the reason is lack of understanding on the part of the laborers 
and here I explain to them not only their own rights but the rights 
of their employers as well. Only through patience and kindness can 

process of education and through the concrete results following 
upon the improvements. But the most vital result of the 
state's policy and the most telling proof of the validity of that 
policy lies elsewhere. 

The years of the great war which came fast upon the 
thorough establishment of the commission in its work were 
trying years throughout the United States. Labor unrests 
were frequent. And it is in this connection that the efforts of 
California were rewarded. For throughout the state there 
was not a labor strike during these years, there was not a 
single serious labor disturbance, and all minor labor contro- 
versies were quickly and easily settled. It was to a great 
degree the lesson of the Wheatland riot brought home — that 
the determining factor in labor troubles, the factor which 
often precipitates chaos even when all the conditions are satis- 
factory, is the matter of poor housing. What these calm con- 
ditions meant to the country at large at a time when all kinds 
of production had to be speeded up to the limit, particularly 
in an agricultural state, it is not necessary to state. Were there 
no other result of the camp sanitation work, this peace-in-war 
experience would in itself have justified the creation of the 


is the war-time address to which these Mexican laborers listen so intently. The speaker (not shoztm here) is an 

agent of the commission, traveling from camp to camp 

they be handled, and then I turn the light on their problem from 
both sides, and when they finally understand they are satisfied. 
But usually, where good housing and living conditions prevail, men 
reserve jobs for themselves a year in advance. 

I recommend that the utmost candor and truthfulness be used 
with these men; that at the time of their engagement they be told 
truthfully just what to expect in regard to wages, location, sanitary 
and housing accommodations, transportation and payment. Abso- 
lute justice and infinite patience will make of them citizens of whom 
we will be proud. Now they are swayed by every wind that blows 
but they have no inherent meanness, no greedy avarice, no cupidity. 
They are hungry for education. They are with us to stay; we can 
mold them as we will, and if we groom our horses, feed them, give 
them shelter and a bed when they have done work which we could 
not do for ourselves, shall we do less for our own hard-working 
men whose sons and daughters are our native-born Americans? 

The results of California's policy have been many. All 
over the state the character of the labor camps has changed. 
More significant than that is the change in the attitude of the 
employer of labor to the entire question of " help," a change 
which came about very quietly and very naturally through the 

commission. And it is most significant that the very work 
which the state of California had been doing as a normal 
function begun long before there were even rumors of war, had 
to be done by the federal government in the Pacific Northwest 
as a war measure under military direction. 

Now, as to the size of the task itself. And here again we 
may quote from a chance report of this summer by one of the 
camp inspectors: 

The work of inspecting the lumber camps alone requires about 
three months' time each year. It should be commenced about the 
first of May, starting in the redwood belt and finishing in the pine 

Then from June 1 until Christmas it is one steady grind in the 
agricultural work, starting with the cherries, then apricots, which 
require that inspectors follow the crop from Sacramento to Riverside. 
When that is over, the grapes and raisins are under way, and as 
soon as the raisins are harvested the sugar beets are ready to top. 
Again the inspectors must cover the same territory. When the beets 
are about finished, we have the cotton crop in Imperial county and 
the rice crop in northern California. About 90,000 acres of cotton 
are planted in one end of the state and 120,000 acres of rice in the 



other. Both industries require many workers, and therefore numer- 
ous camps are in operation and need constant watching. Added to 
those, this summer a certain power company is to employ approxi- 
mately 3,000 men constructing a reservoir. A light and power com- 
pany is to do about the same amount of work at thtir plant A cen- 
tral county is to start work on a $4,600,000 road construction pro- 
gram, and another power company and also a gas and electric com- 
pany are to do extensive work this summer, which together with 
other odd construction jobs will make this one of the busiest years 
we have experienced. 

The above enumeration is quite extensive. But to it must 
be added such permanent camps as oil and mining, and the 
resulting list will show in a measure the commission's respon- 
sibility. According to the statistics of the work, there have 
been inspected and improved in the five years of the commis- 
sion's existence 4,248 labor camps, with a total population of 
more than two hundred thousand men, women and children. 

As the work goes on, the commission's own standards of that 
work grow and develop and improve. A camp which would 
have been considered good five years ago is now considered 
only fair. Five years ago a large bunkhouse of one room welL- 
ventilated and well-lighted was considered satisfactory. Now 
the tendency is to house two and even one man in a room, and 
even to build small cabins in place of larger bunk houses. 
Wherever possible hot water is installed, for bathing, wherever 
possible flush toilets are taking the place of the vault type. 

And then new types of the camps themselves are being de- 
veloped by the commission. The community camp furnishes 
perhaps the best example of this. This is a natural develop- 
ment of the temporary camp in berry, fruit and grape indus- 
tries. It is a system whereby a number of farmers, by clubbing 
together, erect a camp at a spot convenient to all which serves 
as a labor center from which workers go out to adjoining 
farms when needed. Its advantages are readily seen. The 
best living quarters at the least cost can be assured the workers. 
The social demands of the employes are met by the larger 
number of employes living together, and the objectionable 
features of this arrangement are done away with by the use 
of small tents for sleeping quarters. The problem of part- 
time work is solved; the owner of a small orchard does not 
have to worry concerning what he should do with his workers 
on days when his fruit may not have ripened enough for pick- 
ing, when he may be out of boxes, etc. 

Although community camps are not a new thing, the type 

of buildings best suited to their particular needs was not 
thoroughly worked out until the summer of 1918. At that 
time, following the plans of the commission, several such 
camps were erected throughout the state. The success of these 
camps, the requests from farmers for information concerning 
their building, and the plans already formed for such camps 
in the future, lead the commission to believe that this type of 
camp will fill a long-felt want. 

For greater convenience in the building of these camps each 
structure is made of uniform sections held together by screws. 
Four such sections form the walls of a sleeping tent; a tent 
twice as large can be made by using six. Dining and cooking 
quarters are made as large as necessary by using more such 
units. The floors are made in sections, and thus floor space 
can be extended indefinitely. 

It is a long step from the old temporary camp of the days 
before inspection — which consisted of dining tents of torn can- 
vas, of the open outdoor fire for cooking, of sleeping quarters 
with the earth for a bed and the sky for a roof, and no sanitary 
arrangement of any sort — to the present day community camp. 
Yet the evolution was a natural one coming about as it did 
through the efforts to give the greatest possible comfort to the 
worker and to make him of the greatest possible use to his 
employer and at the same time practicing the strictest economy 
in the construction of the camp. 

The work of camp sanitation is not finished. Viewed in its 
larger social aspect, as influencing permanently the lives of 
those whom it touches and the state, that work is scarcely 
begun. But it has been established so firmly that it is now a 
definite part of the state's policy, and it has gone so far that it 
cannot but go farther because the needs which it is meeting 
are very clear and because the way toward betterment has been 

Throughout this growth the most faithful and unselfish 
cooperation is necessary on the part of employer and employe 
alike. A determination on the part of the former to give the 
best to his workmen, a willingness on the part of the latter to 
give more because more is given to him — upon this will depend 
the further development of the work. And in this work, the 
commission stands ready to do its part, still choosing to act in 
an advisory capacity whatever may be its authority in the 


for n'omen and children af a railroad camp by in- 
structors of the commission 



The War and the Children 1 

By Homer Folks 


Photographs by Lewis JV. Hine 

IN what had been the city of Lens, on a cold rainy day 
in April five months after the signing of the armistice, 
our automobile stopped in what had been a street and 
was now a sort of furrow ploughed through debris. The 
chauffeur blew his horn, and there came up from a cellar- 
steps a woman with a boy of three or four years, pale, thin 
and blinking. This cellar had been their home, not only 
since their return some months ago, but also for many months 
during the occupation while the Allied artillery made Lens 
a wilderness of kindling wood, bricks, stones and mortar. In 
fact the greater part of the boy's life had been lived in this 
cellar. It was like all other cellars, but was wholly below 
ground and lighted only by the entrance. 

At our point farthest east in devastated Italy, on a bitter 
cold day in November, we passed on the roadway an Italian 
mother leading a tiny donkey on whose cart were all their 
worldly possessions and three small children, crying from cold 
and hunger. An old grandmother trudged alongside of the 
cart. When the Austrians swept forward in October, 191 7, 
their home had been too near the lines and they had been 
sent farther back. They were now on their way back " home," 
to what we knew was an almost complctek destroyed village-. 
The only food any of them had had for many davs was 
yellow corn. 

A bit ue-irer the Piave, at Pordenune, four Italian families 
with quantities of children were living in a u retched build- 
in;: .vbicA had been despoiled ui door? and windows and left 
m an unspeakably filthy condition less than a fortnight before 
lhc children still had all the beauty which the chddren of 
that part of Italy have had for centuries, but the faces of 

i^TlZZl a l l I bapU ' r lu TbL ' Uu *aa Costs of tbe War. t„ oe pub- 
ustHd shortly by Harper Brothers, fully Illustrated. 

the mothers left no need of any further statement of the suffer- 
ings through which they had passed. 

When we reached Skoplie we found American women 
who had come as stenographers and clerks bathing refugee 
children on their way back from Bulgaria, to which they 
had been deported, to southern Serbia where their homes had 
been. The cleaning-up was being done in an old Turkish 
inn. The only utensils that could be found were empty 
petroleum tins, and there was no way of heating the water 
other than by tiny fires made on the stone floor of as gloomy, 
damp and unwholesome a building as can be imagined. The 
children were verminous, ragged, and suffering from skin 
and eye diseases. 

A little farther on we met, walking along the unusable 
railway track, Albanian refugees, father, mother and numsr 





ous children, all stooping under the weight of heavy bundles, 
getting such food as they could from the none too hospitable 
country through which they were passing and finding shelter 
as best they might. They had about 230 miles more to do. 

At the next stop, Leskovatz, passing some low building 
opening on the street, we noticed the most distressed people 
we had seen. Their faces were thin and pinched. The 
women were dressed in pieces of coarse burlap and other 
rough packing material, stitched together with strings. They 
were barefooted, and were sitting about on a damp dirt floor 
in the cold December weather. Most of them looked as if 
they could not hold out much longer. El Basan, their home 
in Albania, was still some 250 miles away. A funeral pro- 
cession came down the street. The body wrapped in coarse 
cloth was borne in an ox-cart and followed by four or five 
men in rags. Our interpreter, a local resident, said: "Yes, 
that is one of ihem. Every day quite a number die." The 
town seemed full of refugees. In the outskirts was a build- 
ing that had been a civil hospital of the department. It had 
been stripped of all hospital equipment by the retreating 
enemy, and hundreds of passing refugees were camped on its 
stone floors. The smoke from many small fires filled the 
building. An open space in the rear served in place of toilet 
accommodations. Near the center of the town there was a 
curious, ancien* - inn built around an open court. The build- 
ings had recently served chiefly as stables, and parts of them 
were still occupied by cattle. Manure "and human filth and 
standing pools of water made navigation in the courtyard 
difficult. In places the roof had fallen in. Wherever the 
space was not occupied by cattle, there were refugees. There 
were few babies among them, most of the children being 
obviously more than three years old. Everywhere there was 
the familiar family group, an old man, mother, grandmother, 
and children of all ages except babies. They had little or 
nothing in the way of bedding, and their clothing hung in 
rags and tatters. 

From one of the buildings opening on the street in the out- 

skirts of the village we heard the cries of a child. There 
was something insistent, penetrating, and peculiarly mournful 
about the cry. Scattered about the entrance to the room 
was all manner of filth. Looking in we saw a child perhaps 
three years old, lying on the dirt floor, dressed in rags, crying 
bitterly. We asked a bystander what was the matter. " Its 
mother is dead; she is in there." Then we saw on the dirt 
floor what was apparently a body sewn in a rough wrapping. 
We were told she had been dead two days. We asked if 
there were any older children. "Yes, there are one or two 
more. They are in there. They are either asleep or perhaps 
they may be dead." We then saw another bundle of rags 
and, while we were looking, it began to stir, and a tiny hand 
crept out reaching and feeling about in a weak, uncertain, 
trembling fashion. The arm was bare to the elbow. It was 
literally skin and bones and was covered with the most repul- 
sive sores. We asked who was looking out for the children 
since the mother died. " No one," was the reply. We sug- 
gested that it was not necessary to let the children die because 
the mother was dead. The bystanders shrugged their shoul- 
ders and said something to the effect that that was the way 
with these people. Just then our epidemiologist came up and 
we asked him to look at the sick child. He stepped in, pulled 
the rags back, looked at the bare arm and said, " Small-pox." 
We asked him to ^hink again, and after a more careful observa- 
tion he decided tuat probably it wasn't. Our inquiries had 
the intended effect, for, returning a little later, we found 
that the two children had been removed to an adjoining room 
with another family. The child who had been crying was 
eagerly devouring a piece of dry bread with every appearance 
of extreme enjoyment. The scene remains fixed m our 
memory as the last word in human misery in a pilgrimage to 
the abodes of suffering. 

At Semendria on the Danube we talked with the former 
schoolmaster. He had been one of those deported into Aus- 
tria. His shirt was collarless and he had no other. His eye 
was keen and kindly, altogether he was exceptionally inter- 




esting. He was much troubled over the condition of the 
boys and girls of his town, running wild on the streets in 
the absence of fathers and school-work. A good many were 
working in a tobacco factory where conditions were very 
bad. After four years of absence from school they had gotten 
out of the idea of going. Conditions in these respects are 
even worse now than during the occupation. The high school 
building is being used by one of the Allied countries as a 
hospital, and even if it were vacated there is no school furni- 
ture and no books. The Austrians burned them all. 

npHESE few incidents, among hundreds of like character. 
•*■ prompted me to try to form some estimate of the effects of 
war on the childhood of this generation. The task is impos- 
sible, many times over, but at least a start can be made. (One 
very important, perhaps the most important phase of the 
whole matter, war's effects on the health of children, is not 
taken up for the reason that it is the subject of an article by 
the writer in the October issue of Harper's Magazine). 

Normally, childhood is the springtime of life. Always the 
sun shines, summer is coming with fruit and flowers. Home 
is the center of the universe, a sure refuge if any danger 
threatens from the great unknown outside world. Father is 
the superman, easily able to vanquish any enemy, a marvel 
of strength, the very incarnation of power and of wisdom. 
Big Brother has many of father's qualities, but is not so busy 
and perhaps understands a child's plans better and is more 
ready to join in the serious and venturesome amusements of 
playtime. Mother is the source and sum of tenderness and 
understanding, with miraculous powers to heal all hurts and 
to summon the sun from behind the clouds that occasionally 
cross the April skies. It does not need riches, palaces, or 
college graduates to make up this environment for childhood. 
Give children ever so slight an opportunity', and their sublime 
optimism and unconquerable idealism will construct an almost 
perfect home, set in their own world, of the barest, scantiest 

and commonest of materials. To them it is perfectly real, and 
its daily exchanges of affection, experience and ideas constitute 
the rich soil out of which the living soul of the child ripens 
into a human life. Into this land of dream-reality there 
occasionally comes a rude shock. The superman father in the 
world outside meets some enemy who for the moment is 
too much for him, or the wonder-working mother, through 
some inexplicable error in the general scheme of things, be- 
comes ill. Perchance the mystery of death comes close by. 
But this is altogether exceptional. In the vast majority of 
instances, the dream-world of childhood gradually changes 
into that of reality without any rude shock or violent 
transition, and without wholly losing that atmosphere of 
promise, of confidence, of being surrounded by a world of 
good-will and good intentions. Into such a world, as well 
as into the more tame and disillusioned one which we adults 
believe to be the real world, came an unprecedented shock in 
191 4. With one rude blow it shattered the picture of spring- 
time joy, and substituted for it the gloom and threatening 
sky and the bitter cold of November. 

Its first blow to childhood throughout Europe was to take 
away the superman, whose miraculous strength had kept the 
world in order and whose companionship, in the brief inter- 
vals when he had time to be companionable, stood out as a 
succession of almost miraculous events. I do not know the 
equivalent of *' Dad " in French or Italian or the tongue of 
Serbia, or Rumania, or Greece, or Russ'a, but I know that 
every language must have such a word. " Dad's " place in 
the home had been secure and supreme. In the word " Dad " 
he had felt compressed such volumes of affection, such com- 
pleteness of confidence, that for him life had taken on new 
meanings and vast responsibilities. The failure to meet them 
would be the greatest of all failures; the chance to live up 
to them drew fortli his greatest powers and made long hours 
•if monotonous to-.l seem :< negligible part of the da> . 
j f 'nut in tit it ',11 pin/. >| ! 


Kids is Kids 

rllE little Greek girl in Salonika, carry- 
ing home a sack of food that has been 
given her; the Belgian children to whom the 
sight of ruined homes has become habitual; the 
little French " gamine " critically examining 
her American-grown cereal — little do they 
know how closely they share a common human 

^lERBIA N children in makeshift clothes; a Bohemian 
kj infant, wrapped by his hollow-cheeked mother in an 
old sack; little Italy, courageous though underfed; and 
young Turkey, smiling though barely covered in decency — 
all part of the great procession of suffering childhood. 



[Continued from page $\ } 

Now, however, for no reason that appealed to the child — 
hecause somewhere a bugle sounded, or somebody brought 
a bit of paper with some typewriting upon it to the door, 
" Dad " had to go away. Life thereupon became very quiet 
and monotonous. Mother seemed very still. There was 
nothing to do but to look forward to the time, which Mother 
said would be soon, when " Dad " would come back. Life 
became chiefly a matter of waiting. 

Big Brother went away too. The games in which he helped, 
which were the best games of all, could be played no longer. 
There remained only the tame ones in which all parts were 
taken by children. He had gone off on the same kind of an 
errand as " Dad," and he, too, was coming back soon. 

The number of children whose world was suddenly dark- 
ened in this way is so huge as to oe utterly beyond all com- 
prehension. Some fifty million men became soldiers; one 
authority says fifty-six millions. Most of them were fathers 
or brothers. The devastation of child life was worldwide. 
We thought we had accomplished something remarkable when 
we arranged a more or less unreal kind of " Big Brothers " for 
a few hurdred children, but in a very short time the war 
called away more big brothers than we are likely to provide 
in something' like seventy thousand years. 

So long as " Dad " and Big Brother were going to come 
back, the child could call upon his reserves of patience and 
endurance. He could make the old and worn-out games do 
after a fashion. But to many of them something happened 
so very much worse that it was quite useless to make any 
effort to understand it. It was so inherently improbable that 
it could not really be true. People began to say that " Dad " 
and Big Brother would not come back. The child's search- 
ing eye, which turned to mother for reassurance, saw that 
something terrible had happened. It was so impossible to 
understand how anything could really interfere with such a 
big powerful man as " Dad " that the child's mind resisted 
to the last the thought of his having been harmed in any way, 
and equally the thought that anything in the world could 
possibly prevent him from returning some time to his children. 
But however long and doggedly the child denied to himself 
the truth of the terrible statement, there was always the 
haunting fear that it might be true, and in proportion as fear 
got the upper hold the future was dark. Mother was absent- 
minded and could not heal this hurt as she had done so many 
times before. 

Millions of children went through this experience. Do I 
say went through it? They are going through it now and 
will continue in its shadow for many years to come. How 
many war orphans there are in the world God only knows. 
There are millions and millions — probably nearer ten million 
than five. 


Another thing happened to the childhood of the world. 
The child is always hungry and naturally expects to be fed. 
The process of relieving hunger is one of his chief occupations. 
But now in millions upon millions and in yet other millions 
of homes there was not food enough. There were not so 
many kinds of things to eat; the good things especially were 
lacking — cakes and candies, meat and gravy. There remained 
mostly bread, which was even drier and harder than before, 
and there was less and less of it. To the child this meant 
daily disappointment, a vague, uncomfortable sense that life 
was no longer satisfying and that everything which might be 

done involved so much effort that it was not worth while to 
undertake it. To the understanding eye of the mother this 
atmosphere of insufficiency, this feeling of never being able 
to provide enough, was much more serious. It meant a 
gradual changing of the bright flush of unconscious health to 
the pale, anemic look of one who had been, or was going to 
be sick. It meant that the child became thin, weary, down- 
hearted, peevish, always wanting something. To the physician 
it meant stunted growth, a delay in physical development 
which could never wholly be regained, a dozen cases of tuber- 
culosis of the glands or of the joints where before there were 
one or two, an inability to withstand children's diseases which 
ordinarily seem to come and go leaving little impairment for 
the future. Insufficient nourishment was so widespread in 
the world and affected so large a proportion of the people — 
those who buy their daily food and upon whom the full 
burden of higher prices immediately falls — that it sweeps far 
beyond any stretch of the imagination. About one-third of 
the world's population are children under sixteen. There arc 
so many millions upon millions of people in the countries at 
war in Europe and in Asia that it is almost futile to try to 
think of these undernourished children in terms of numbers. 
Europe's population in 1910 was estimated at 447 millions. 
One-third of this would be 149 millions. To this should be 
added the children in Asia who went more hungry than before. 

War's Heritage 

We understand a little of what insufficient food means 
to the individual child. We know that the underfed child 
is a poor scholar, a weakling, a problem for the future; but 
who can form any conception of the tremendous sweep of 
these continental areas of backwardness, invalidism, of fertile 
soil for infection, resulting from a shortage in the world's 
food supply because so many men were at war, so many ships 
were sunk, and so many soldiers were eating more than they 
had before ? It is a heritage which will plague the world 
for scores of years, producing inefficiency, breeding discon- 
tent, burdening the public treasury with the support of the 
sick and the invalids and reducing everywhere the joy and 
richness of living. 

For a proportion of these children the war very quickly 
changed from something vague and far away which claimed 
" Dad " and Big Brother, to something terrible, something 
of explosions, of terrific noise, something so dreadful that they 
must leave their homes and flee before it. Home had been 
a fortress, an absolutely sure protection from all danger, but 
this was something so terrible that a home was of absolutely 
no account. In one second it would convert a home into a 
mass of ruins. It spared nothing. The child's playthings, 
the furniture in his room, the doors, windows, partitions, 
ceilings, and waifs of his house, all crumbled into bits at the 
touch of this terrible thing. The child did as he was told. 
He picked up his kitten or his dog, carried a bundle which 
was so heavy that it immediately began to make his back 
ache, and walked off down the road. His feet became so sore 
that he could hardly take another step, he was desperately 
sleepy, terribly hungry and more uncomfortable than he had 
ever been in all his life, and there was everywhere a vague 
feeling of still more terrible dangers. The child had to go 
with his mother, his brothers and sisters and his grandparents 
on some long railway ride; or perhaps they had to walk all 
the way. They were hungry, cold and crowded. There was 
no place to sleep. Finally, after what seemed like an endless 
lifetime of traveling, (which was, in fact, several days), they 
arrived " somewhere." Even then there was no good place 



to go. Hundreds of them would be crowded in together in 
some big building which had no separate rooms in it. It had 
no beds, no stoves, no nice warm blankets. It was all so 
bare, dreary and" uncomfortable and everybody was so down- 
hearted that the children wept bitterly. They longed for the 
comfortable places from which they had come. They feared 
that nobody would look after all the treasured things which 
they had left behind. They felt sure that no one would 
have been so cruel as to harm them if they remained. They 
could not see why Mother should have come to this gloomy 
and hateful place of all others. But here, or in some such 
place, they had to stay. They might as well forget all the 
comforts and attractions of the homes in which they had 
been brought up. They were exiles, refugees, and here they 
stayed for so long a time that it seemed that they had lived 
here longer than anywhere else, and some of them had. They 
came to feel that this was where they would have to remain 
always, that their former home belonged to some sort of a 
golden age which would never return ; that hateful, wretched 
and uncomfortable as it was, their present quarters were all 
that life held out to them, and that they had to make the best 
ot it. Mother did not seem able to get any new clothes, 
her shoes were worn through, their stockings had great holes 
in them, theii underwear and outer garments alike grew thin 
and patched and patched again. Mother's clothes were the 
same way. There was nothing handy with which to do any- 
thing. They had hardly any dishes. Many times they had 
no coal and no wood, not enough to cook, and never enough 
to keep warm. Some four million children lived in this way 
from one to four years. 

Mother had told them that by and by they would go home. 
But when they reached home, what disappointment ! Per- 
haps they had heard that home had been destroyed, but they 
had easily reconstructed it in their imagination. They had 
refused to see a heap of bricks and stones; it was so much 
more agreeable to think about the wonderful home as it had 
been, and as they thought about it again and again it seemed 
to them to be reality. But now the bitter truth was evident. 
Their home had gone. The strange place in which they had 
lived for so long a time in exile seemed bare and cold and 
gloomy, but this which had been home promised even worse. 
This was unmistakably the place, the road and the fields, the 
rivers and the hills all proved beyond question that this was 
where the golden age had been spent — but now how different ! 

Broken Homes 

There was neither upstairs nor ground floor; only a 
cellar, and that full of bricks and sticks and stones. The 
stables were gone as well, and down the street the school- 
house had gone, and the church and the town hall. As far 
as one could see in every direction everything had gone. Ap- 
parently this was where they were to live, for their elders 
and superiors began to clean out the cellar, to collect bits of 
iion and sticks and pieces of heavy paper, to prop- up some 
sticks to make some kind of a hut, to look here and there 
for a broken dish or anything that might be useful. It was 
most strange. If, for a moment or two, it seemed interesting 
because it was so different, they soon realized that it was no 
place to live; it was more uncomfortable, more crowded, more 
cold, more dreadful even than the place where they had been. 
And if mothers and brothers and grandparents said that it was 
to be only for a little while, that very soon they would have 
a fine new house like the old one, can we doubt that childish 
minds, grown old so fast, which had experienced in a few 
years more tragedy than comes to most people in a long life- 

time, saw through the thin pretense and knew in their hearts 
that it could not be done, that there were not the things to 
make houses of, nor the people to make them, and that it would 
be a long, long while before they would again have the won- 
derful homes which they had left, away back in the 
golden age? 

Blighted Hopes 

What are the effects of all this upon the child's impres- 
sionable soul? What remains to him of that rosy future 
which had held out its hand so enticingly in the early days? 
Life had been false to him; it had lied to him; it had prom- 
ised him warmth; shelter, companionship, love and comfort. 
It had brought him noise, exile, hunger, cold, loneliness and 
homelessness. It is the impressions of the early years which 
persist through life, which give a drift to character, which 
shape the instinctive attitudes and presumptions of life, which 
create an atmosphere of expectation. To what can this gen- 
eration of children look forward, in what can they believe, 
whom can they believe, when life has proved so false in one 
thing after another; when the whole background is that of 
violence, of killing, of destruction, of hate; when the earliest 
recollections include explosions, shells and bombs? In what 
temper of mind will they approach the duties of the future, 
what kind of democrats will they make, how much heart will 
they have for the creative undertakings of life? 

It is no wonder that in such a bedlam-world the number of 
births fell off rapidly. In France, with a pre-war stationary 
population, there was a war deficit of babies of a million and 
a half, in Italy of about the same, in Great Britain of toward 
a million, in Belgium of 350,000, in Serbia of probably nearly 
750,000, to say nothing of Rumania, Greece and Russia and 
the enemy countries — probably, all told, of some ten millions 
in Europe. In all the countries in which any system of unem- 
ployment insurance exists the midwives could have established 
a sound claim to its benefits. 

One might also think that in whatever spiritland the souls 
of unborn children await their departure the sounds of our 
war were heard, and a whole generation simply refused to 
come. The earth became very unpopular as a future home. 
Did the population of Mars or of some other planet increase 
proportionately? At least these wise little souls evidently 
refused to be born into an atmosphere of hatred, violence, and 
wholesale slaughter. It was no place for babies. 

This extraordinary absence in Europe of so large a propor- 
tion of those who, under normal conditions, would have been 
born in the years 1915-20, will have some curious and far- 
reaching results, most of which we probably can not foresee. 
We can see that there will be a hiatus in the ranks of school 
children for an age period of four or five years. There will 
be a great falling off in the graduating classes of schools and 
colleges in the years when those born in 1915-20 would grad- 
uate, except for the laggards of earlier years who have fallen 
behind and the precocious ones of later years who have forced 
ahead. If compulsory military service should exist twenty 
years from now, there will be an alarming dearth of recruits 
in the classes of 1915-20. The industries and employments 
which ordinarily receive each year a certain number of matur- 
ing young men and women will find a curious diminution in 
the supply during the period, say, 1934-39. When the chil- 
dren born in 1915-20 will be young men and maidens, the 
parish registers will record an extraordinarily small number 
of marriages, and the future population will he correspond- 
ingly diminished. In the long run, the most serious effect of 
the war ma\ prove to have been the fall in the birth-rate. 




[Continued from page 56] 

organizers were outsiders who came uninvited into the 
steel districts to make trouble among contented men. In 
other words, just as J. P. Morgan came in 1901 to or- 
ganize the Steel Corporation without invitation or wel- 
come from Andrew Carnegie. Fitzpatrick and Foster 
are not steel workers it is true. Some of ihe other or- 
ganizers are. But whatever the facts as to their manner 
of coming, it is evident that they are welcome now. 

Important in this connection is what was said to me 
by the spokesman for the Carnegie Steel Company, whom 
I have already quoted. We were discussing the discharge 
of men for union activity. Mr. Burnett thought men 
would not be discharged unless they were "active" or 
were "agitating inside the plant." As an illustration of 
what he meant he said that some time before the strike 
a group of men in Homestead were discharged for cir- 
culating, inside the plant, a petition addressed to John 
Fitzpatrick asking him to come to organize them. 
At union headquarters in Homestead I asked the men on 
strike what they were striking for. "The eight-hour day 
and the union," they answered to a man. I asked them 
to tell me what the prevailing hours had been. There 
were men there from the open-hearth furnaces. They 
said they had always worked twelve hours a day, or 
rather ten hours when on the day shift and fourteen at 
night. The custom is quite general in the Carnegie mills 
of splitting the twenty-four hours that way. Then, half 
the time, when on the day shift, the men have a working 
day that leaves a little opportunity for amusement and 
recreation. Thev pay for it the next week when they 
work fourteen hours at night, but then, as they have often 
said to me, "On the night shift you're not living anyway." 

These open-hearth men work six days in the week in 
normal times, but during the war they worked seven days 
a week, working a long shift of twenty-four hours every 
second week. Blast furnace men spoke tip and said they 
worked twelve hours a day and on a seven-day basis, all 
the time — twenty-four hours on at one week-end and 
twenty-four hours off at the next. Men on the rolls 
were twelve-hour, six-day men. Shop men, machinists, 
blacksmiths, mill wrights and repair men have a ten-hour 
day and a six-day week in theory, but when needed they 
must jump in and work until a breakdown is repaired. 
Twenty-four hours' continuous work is common, and 
thirty-six and forty-eight hours' by no means unknown. 

The same statement as to hours was given me at Brad- 
dock and Clairton. At Clairton a man told an experience 
of his that is by no means unique, for I have heard of 
such instances many times before during ten years' ac- 
quaintance with steel mill practice. This man went to 
work one morning and worked his twelve hours. At 
night no one came to relieve him. His "buddy" was 
sick and sent no one in his place. The job had to be 
filled, so he was asked to remain at work that night. In 
the morning at the end of twenty-four hours it was his 
own turn again, so he stayed at work twelve hours longer. 
At the end of that period he went home, having com- 
pleted thirty-six hours on continuous duty, just eight 
hours less than a full week's work for thousands of his 
fellow workmen in more favored crafts. 

I came away from Pittsburgh more than ever con- 
vinced that the issues of the strike are hours and the 
right of collective bargaining. Until there is such a re- 
duction in hours of labor in the steel industry as will 

permit men to recuperate after a day's work, to mingle 
with their fellows and to play, there can be no oppor- 
tunity for the development of good citizenship in the mil! 
towns. So long as 50 per cent of the men work twelve 
hours a day, thousands of them seven days a week with 
a long shift of eighteen or twenty-four hours every 
second week, no one can claim for the steel industry 
the maintenance of an "American" standard of living. 
It is as true today as it was when the committee of stock- 
holders of the United States Steel Corporation said it 
seven years ago, that 

a twelve-hour day of labor, followed continuously by any group 
of men for any considerable number of years, means a decreas- 
ing of the efficiency and lessening of the vigor and virility of such 
men. . . . When it is remembered that the twelve hours a day to 
the man in the mills means approximately thirteen hours away 
from his home and family — not for one day. but for all working 
days — it leaver but scant time for self-improvement, for compan- 
ionship with his family, for recreation and leisure. . . . 
More important than hours is the question of collective 
bargaining. Only through organization and the meeting 
from time to time of representatives of the company 
with representatives of the employes, for purposes of 
actual negotiation and agreement, can there be an assur- 
ance of the continuance of favorable conditions even 
when thev exist. The demand of the Steel Corporation 
that the men shall remain unorganized and silent is a 
demand that they be kept in a position of weakness and 
impotence so that thev may neither voice their griev- 
ances nor demand redress. To claim, as Judge Gary does. 
that the strikers must be resisted because a labor tyranny 
is implied in their demands is such a travesty on the fact> 
as to call for laughter, if it were not too serious for laugh- 
ter. Without organization and collective bargaining there 
cannot fail to be a despotism of capital. It may be benevo- 
lent, but it is still a despotism. Whether it is benevo- 
lent in the case of a corporation that works its men 
longer than men work in any other great industry-, that 
leaves them helpless before the petty tyranny of fore- 
men, that makes impossible even the petitioning for re- 
dress that is implied in the organization of committees, 
that resorts to the violence of denying an opportunity to 
earn a living to men who try to organize their fellows to 
resist these methods, the reader may judge. 

Organization and representation is of the< very essence 
of capitalism. Without it large scale business could not 
exist. Men who invest capital in large enterprises expect 
to be represented in the direction of affairs by men better 
qualified than themselves. That is why Judge Gary 
is the head of the Steel Corporation. Neither a practical 
steel man nor, at the outset at any rate, a large holder 
of securities, he was called upon to represent the inves 
tors because of his high executive ability. For the same 
reason (to provide stability and greater effectiveness) 
alliances are formed between business organizations. 
Directors of banks become directors of manufacturing 
enterprises and vice versa, and there is built up a vasi 
industrial machine, its parts interdependent and inter- 
locking, able to function either separately or as a unit. 

It is this vast machine with its experts, its spokesmen, 
its mobilized strength, which says to labor, "You shall 
have neither spokesmen, nor experts nor power of 
mobijization." It is the United States Steel Corporation, 
owner of mills in a dozen states and a hundred localities, 
able to play one mill against another, one district against 
another, able to close a mill here and divert orders there, 
that denies to its workmen an opportunity to develop 
organized strength of their own. It insists that individual 
[Continued on page 91] 

< I 




[Continued from pai/c 64) 

The Pennsylvania State Constabu- 
lary has an enviable record in patrol- 
ling remote districts, cooperating in 
preventing forest fires, running down 
speak easies and gambling joints. In 
the Westinghouse strike of 1915 they 
behaved admirably. Their even-hand- 
edness then was illustrated when they 
exposed the act of a business man of 
East Pittsburgh who had planted a 
fake bomb in the grounds of the works' 
superintendent with the idea of dis- 
crediting the strikers. Their action in 
the industrial conflict now on has seem- 
ingly taken color from the unconcealed 
partisanship of state and local officials. 
They apparently view the strike as a 
fire department would view a fire — as 
something to be stamped out. 

Troopers patrol the streets about the 
mills and in the foreign districts. At 
a time of excitement legends and rum- 
ors as to their activities are to be ex- 
pected, but there are too many stories 
confirmed, too many affidavits signed, 
too many illustrations for the visitor's 
own eyes as he goes through the towns 
to leave any doubt as to the reckless- 
ness and prejudice of their actions. 
One mill town minister with a congre- 
gation of nearly a thousand Americans, 
among whom are many of the mill offi- 
cials inadvertently said to me: 

Ttie mill officials based their hopes on the troop- 
ers intimidating— J mean on their quelling any 
riots — on the marvelous ability of these troops to 
stop trouble. They created a panic here. Ran 
terror down the back of the foreigners. Such 
training! Kven the horses. I have seen them 
myself grip the collar of a man, throw him down, 
put a foot on him as much as to ray, "Now you 
move, and I'll crush you." 

In Homestead, I talked with a man. 
whom I shall call Stef Houdek, of what 
had happened to him. Then I saw his 
neighbors and his family and the bur- 
gess who was magistrate in the case. 
Stef had been to see his cousin. On 
the way home a trooper ordered him 
tnto a house which he was passing. 
"That's not my house," the man said he 
replied. "I go home." "I'll take you 
home !" he said the trooper threatened. 
The man ran into the house, the 
trooper chasing him. A woman was 
boiling clothes at a kitchen stove, her 
young children about her. She was 
soon to have another child. The police 
caught the man, took him to jail, where 
he was charged with resisting an officer 
and fined $10 and costs. I was told the 
woman's child was born soon after her 
fright and that she was seriously ill. 

Private citizens other than mill work- 
ers have suffered from the treatment 
of the state constabulary. There was 
Adolph Kueheman, for example. I had 
the story from Kueheman. from two wit- 
nesses and from a man present at the 
hearing. Kueheman was in Dressler's 
saloon in Homestead. The state po- 
lice were dispersing a group of men 
who were on the porch of their own 
boarding house. Kueheman and Dress- 
ier heard the excitement and ran 
out. They had scarcely got out, Kue- 
heman said, when a trooper command- 
ed, "Get in there!" "All right," re- 
plied Dressier. Hardly was the word 
out of his mouth when the trooper 
struck him twice, once on the arm and 
once on the shoulder. They entered 
the saloon, Kueheman in the rear. As 
he passed through the door-way he 
looked towards the street. The trooper 
asked him what he was looking at. 
He replied, "I don't know." With that 
the trooper ran after him into the room 


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at the rear of the bar and struck at 
Kueheman's head, but the man put out 
his hand for protection and received 
the blow on his arm. He was arrested 
and fined $10 and costs. The chief of 
police, not the trooper, testified against 
him at the hearing. The chief had been 
in the crowd. He said Kueheman had 
not moved quickly enough. Kueheman 
was not permitted to have his witness, 
who was present, testify, as the bur- 
gess said he had "heard enough" and 
"hadn't time to listen to witnesses." I 
saw the arms of both men where they 
had been struck. That of Dressier 
looked like a large eggplant, so deeply 
was it bruised. The burgess told me the 
story I had heard was ridiculous ; that the 
man admitted at the hearing that he had 
not "moved quickly." The burgess, how- 
ever, confirmed the story that he had 
not been willing to hear the witness. 

At the hearing before the Senate In- 
vestigating Committee in Pittsburgh 
the same sort of story that came to me 
in the towns was told over and over again 
by strikers and strikers' wives from Do- 
nora and Monessen and other towns 
that I had not visited. One witness 
after another testified that as he left 
home soon after six in the morning 
in Monessen and walked down the 
street alone to the store, to the train 
or for the doctor as the case might be, 
he was grabbed by the state troopers, 
clubbed, taken in an auto "to the Tube 
Mill gate," thrown into the cellar, 
searched, asked if he was a citizen, told 
he and "the other fellows were going 
to get hanged about eight o'clock," 
held for an hour or so, and then taken 
to the lockup. Late in the day the 
men were brought before the burgess 
and held for court on $500 bail. They did 
not know with what offense they were 
charged. There were no papers. "No 
time to learn nothin', but I was told 'if 
you work alright, if not go to jail' " — this 
from the testimony of one of the men was 
typical. It gave some understanding of 
the reply of a later witness when asked 
by a senator, "What country do you 
come from?" 

"Galicia," he responded promptly. 

"What's the difference between the 
government in Galicia and that in 

"Oh, king there. Here, superin- 

In some instances, mill superinten- 
dents and foremen accompanied the po- 
lice to the homes of the men to get 
them to return to work. Duquesne of- 
fers an illustration. Five strikers there, 
according to their statements and the 
statements of neighbors with whom I 
talked, were sitting on their porch the 
first day of the strike. The assistant 
general superintendent accompanied by 
mill deputies and the town chief of po- 
lice, came up the street and asked the 
men if they were going to work. The 
me ii replied that they were not. Where- 
upon they were arrested, charged with 
disorderly conduct, fined $27.75 each, 
and their union cards taken from them. 
The chief of police told me the men had 
been fighting. 

At the South Side police station in Pitts- 
burgh as many as thirty-six men were 
rounded up in a single morning. There, 
lawyers for the strikers were not per- 
mitted to see their clients previous to the 
hearings, charges were mumbled so that 
the auditors could not hear them and one 
lawyer was expelled from the court for 
protesting. From my talks with the men 
in every town and from repeated testi- 
mony at the hearing of the Senate com- 

mittee the fact stood out clearly that if 
strikers said they would go to work they 
were let go; if not they were given "ten 
dollars or ten days." In the majority of 
cases the men did not know with what 
offense they were charged. 

And these acts I found backed up by 
mill officials everywhere. Their attitude 
was that the troopers had made a good 
job of it and saved a desperate situation 
for them. Talking over what I had seen 
with a spokesman for the Carnegie com- 
pany, he said, "Yes, these things have been 
done. And even so hard-shelled an official 
as I am ready to say we have done more. 
But if we hadn't we've have had all the 
mills closed down and a revolution on our 
hands." He was not ready to say what he 
thought might be the result of such meth- 
ods in five years in Duquesne for example. 
"The situation was on us and we had to 
deal with it," he said. Then I asked him 
for evidence of revolutionary material. 
He said he had had none prior to the 
strike but handed me what he had re- 
ceived since — a bill distributed he said in 
Braddock and in Lawrenceville, Pitts- 
burgh. It was an appeal to the Americans 
not to be scabs. It had not been author- 
ized by the strike committee. I have kept 
in touch with the literature of the com- 
mittee in the Pittsburgh district through- 
out the summer In it they have consist- 
ently opposed violence on the part of the 
strikers. Their bulletin issued October 3, 
during the strike, illustrates this. It reads : 

The American Federation of Labor has grown 
to its tremendous size and won its enormous 
power by respecting the law. We shall win this 
right by the same methods. All you have to do is 
to stick and obey the law. 

The Carnegie official just quoted, when 
asked about intimidation practiced by the 
strikers, told me workers and their wives 
had complained to the foremen that strik- 
ers had threatened their homes and their 
lives if they went to work. I had found 
it impossible to get these charges from 
local mill officials since they refused to 
talk, but referred me to the city office of 
the company. So I asked this official at 
the office of the president, for the name 
and address of even one case to follow 
through. He said that a number of threat- 
ening letters written in foreign languages 
— "perhaps a dozen" — had been forwarded 
to Judge Gary, who had presented them 
as evidence before the Senate committee. 
But he added that the company had no 
proof that any of the letters had been 
written by union men. There were no 
copies in the office, he said. On two dif- 
ferent visits I was unable to get anv case 
of intimidation to follow up. In McKees- 
port and North Braddock men had been 
arrested charged with verbally threaten- 
ing workers and calling them scabs. 

In weighing these charges the general 
social composition of the mill towns must 
be borne in mind. The steel mills depend 
for from one-half to two-thirds of their 
force upon unskilled and semi-skilled la- 
bor for which they have for years drawn 
on newer and ever newer waves of immi- 
gration. "American" in the steel towns 
does not mean native born. It designates 
the man who speaks English on the street. 
And there is almost as big a gap between 
these "Americans" and the foreigners 
(aliens who cannot speak English) as be- 
tween them both and the merchants and 
office holders, mill officials and skilled 
workers who make up the older resident 
groups. At a time of industrial tension 
the world over, of race riots in our larger 
cities and loose denunciations leading to 
mistrust and bitterness, strike leaders have 
had no easy task to carry through a great 
mass movement without friction. After 

two weeks in which I talked with public 
and mill officials, with strikers both for- 
eign and American, with outside labor or- 
ganizers and men who had been in the 
strikes of the '90s, with non-union men 
and men still at work, with ministers, busi- 
ness men and wives and mothers of steel 
workers, I came away with the same pic- 
ture of each town I visited: the officials 
in violation of individual rights and of the 
law and backed by local public opinion, 
acting with one aim — to get the men back 
to work; the strikers, against such odds, 
doing their best to win public confidence. 

The picture is one of barbed wire en- 
tanglements to civil liberty, with a smoke 
screen of newspaper distortion thrown 
over it, spreading fear among the strik- 
ers and preventing sympathetic under- 
standing of their cause. With outdoor 
meetings prohibited throughout the coun- 
try; indoor meetings checked in many of 
the towns ; halls and lots taken over by 
subsidiaries of the steel companies; pick- 
eting prohibited in many districts, and 
even groups of men on their own prop- 
erty dispersed, normal avenues for dis- 
cussion as the basis for common action 
were closed. In their stead was this sys- 
tematic policy of intimidation which only 
by a stretch of the imagination could be 
construed as suppressing disorder. It was 
clearly to break the strike. 

Father Kazency, a Catholic priest of 
Braddock, telling of the attack of state 
troopers on members of his church — chiefly 
strikers' families— as they came out from 
a "mission" held the Sunday before the 
strike, said : 

It was a magnificent display of self-control on 
the part of the n They moved on after the 

threats and the clubbing of the police, with heads 
lowered and jaws firmly set. Oh, it was great. 
It was wonderful.' They, those husky, muscle- 
bound titans of raw force, walked home, only- 
thinking, thinking hard. They wanted to win the 
confidence of the town 

From this scene of repression I went 
early in the fourth week of the strike 
over the line into Ohio — "from Siberia 
into America," as the strikers say. For 
every other day they cross, from 3,000 
to 5.000 of them, marching two miles 
or more from Farrell. Sharon and Sharps- 
ville in Pennsylvania, where they are not 
permitted to meet, to an open field five 
hundred feet over the Ohio line. There, 
undisturbed by the Ohio authorities these 
men listen eagerly to their leaders who 
come armed, not with guns, but with a 
fresh store of tales of outrages committed 
by the Pennsylvania authorities. The ef- 
fect of these is not only to act as a brace 
to the strikers in their present stand ; no 
one who has talked with the men can fail 
to see that the situation is storing up in 
them a sense of mockery for the govern- 
ment, or at least for those who are en- 
trusted with its direction in western 

It is well for America and the future of 
her institutions that there are states like 
Ohio, demonstrating the workings of de- 
mocracy and offering hospitality to strik- 
ers to discuss their grievances. 

In Ohio. I found the answer to the com 
tention that Pennsylvania's action was 
necessary to prevent riot and revolution 
among the steel workers. There were no 
state troopers to be seen in Ohio's steel 
towns the fourth week of the strike. She 
has no state constabulary. There were 
few special deputies in comparison with 
the Pennsylvania towns. I traveled 
through the cities unmolested, un- 
"watched." Strikers were enjoying their 
rest, were picketing before the mills or 
otherwise going about the business of 
their strike. Local authorities were busy 



maintaining order through the same chan- 
nels as in times of industrial peace. Mass 
meetings, both during the organizing cam- 
paign and during the strike, have been 
held freely. The stadium in Cleveland 
where fifteen thousand strikers have gath- 
ered at a time, the parks, the theaters — 
all were used generally. Not one speaker 
had been arrested in Youngstown, Cleve- 
land, or Steubenville. Not one meeting 
dispersed. Officials there reported that no 
trouble of any kind had resulted. 

A professional man in Cleveland told 
me he didn't think of the strike as being 
in Ohio. "It always seems to me it's in 
Pennsylvania," he said. Yet practically 
every mill in his city was "down flat.' 
while Pennsylvania had the highest pro- 
duction of any of the strike districts. 

When I arrived in Steubenville the 
streets were thronged with crowds of 
merry makers enjoying old home week 
and a welcome celebration for returned 
soldiers. Strikers joined in heartily with 
merchants and clerks on a holiday. Not 
a stack was breathing at the mills. Both 
the La Belle Iron Works and the Weirton 
Steel Corrfpany inside the city limits were 
closed down. Even the superintendent of 
the iron works had gone with his family 
on a vacation. 

•Any trouble here?"I asked the mayor. 

"Not a bit," he replied. 

"How many extra police did it take?" 

"I haven't one." 

"And the sheriff?" 

' te hasn't sworn in a man." 

' .>ut your arrests — suspicious persons — carry- 
ing arms — riot and all that?" 

''Our arrests have been below normal since the 

"You mean perhaps they have been lower since 
the dry law, July 1 ?" 

"I mean they have been lower since September 
22 than at any time since July 1." 

"We haven't had an arrest in connection with 
the strike," said the director of public safety." 

"We picket the mills twenty-four hours a day 
and haven't had even so much as a fist Sght," said 
Wilson, organizer for the iron and steel workers. 

Over in the Herald Square Theatre 
strikers had gathered for an afternoon 
meeting. Scarcely had I recovered 
from my surprise at seeing them admit- 
ted to a public building of such stand- 
ing when I was told the men frequently 
held meetings in the courthouse. I 
tried to picture strikers in a courthouse 
in western Pennsylvania for any other 
purpose than to be fined for daring to 
hold a meeting at all. 

I would not convey the idea, however 
that the stand taken by the Ohic 
authorities has left no difficulties in th( 
way of either the strikers or the em- 
ployers. It has. There was the Lor- 
rain outrage — an isolated case. The Ohii 
organizers charged that the president ol 
the new local of the Amalgamated at Lor 
rain, for trying to hold a meeting, wa: 
blindfolded, tied hands and feet, taker 
fifteen or eighteen miles out of the city 
by the mill police of the National Tube 
Company, and thrown into a creek. 
There are East Youngstown and Struth- 
ers where special deputies, many in 
uniform, stand on guard before the mills 
displaying their guns. In these towns 
the sheriff, Ben Morris, holds sway 
and the strikers say they cannot count 
on him to play fair. 

Employers, on the other hand, gave 
me to understand that they had not 
enough police protection. They all 
pointed to the Pennsylvania state con- 
stabulary and said that was what Ohio 
needed. When I asked why, two in- 
stances of trouble resulting from pick- 
eting were cited to me — one in Youngs- 
town and one in Cleveland — in which se\- 
eral workers and strikers were injured, 
but the recurrence of which the public 
officials prevented. They were practically 

Every Time You Telephone 

Every time you telephone you 
have at your ready command 
property worth over a billion 
dollars. Millions are actually 
used for the long distance call, 
and for your simplest message 
you have the sole, exclusive use 
of hundreds of dollars worth of 

This vast telephone plant 
must be not only constructed 
and installed, but must be kept 
electrically alive to respond in- 
stantly to your convenience or 
emergency. It is manned by a 
multitude of telephone workers 
day and night, not only to con- 

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million other subscribers, but 
also to maintain perfect path- 
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This service, with its skilled 
operators, its sensitive appara- 
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cation must be kept up to max- 
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This vast vitalized plant is so 
manned and managed, that you 
use it whenever you will for a 
few copper cents. 

American Telephone and Telegraph Company 
And Associated Companies 

One Policy One System Universal Service 

the only affairs of any consequence that 
had occurred to date in the state. Both 
were early in the fourth week, following 
the announcement in the papers that the 
mills were going to open up. x 

Employers also told me of cases of 
intimidation of workers. At the Ohio 
works of the Carnegie Steel Company 
in Youngstown the superintendent 
showed me thirty affidavits they had 
secured to this effect. They told of 
warnings that homes would be burned, 
live stock killed, and even threats 
against the lives of women and chil- 
dren if the men went to work. Prac- 
tically none of these affidavits, however, 
gave names of those making the threats. 
In one case where such names were 
given I visited the woman who had 

made the affidavit — the wife of a man 
blinded in one eye in the mills who 
was afraid he would not get a job else- 
where if he quit work. When I asked 
her as to the threat, she answered the 
men "didn't mean noth'in'." 

The general maintenance of order in 
the Ohio towns has been brought 
about chiefly through the cooperation 
of public officials with labor no less 
than with mill authorities. While I was 
talking with an organizer at labor head- 
quarters in Cleveland, a representative 
of the sheriff entered — not to make ar- 
rests or to close the offices — but to ask 
the organizer to go with him to dis- 
perse the crowd of striker* who had 
gathered before the gates of the Amer- 
[Coutinucd on />«.</(• 92] 



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[Continued from page 86] 

workmen shall throw themselves on the mercy of the 

great organization in whose employ they are instead of 

rising to the stature of free men, and through their 
§§ 3rganized bargaining power requiring, instead of pleading. 
§| that just conditions prevail. The demand of the Stele! 

Corporation that there be no interference with their 
1 closed non-union shop is open to the inference that 

they do not want to lose the power to deal unjustly with 
I their employes. The prevailing conditions in the industry 
1 tend to support that inference. 

In this strike the foreigners of Pittsburgh are shaking 
jj off that old reproacli that they are undermining American 
S standards of living. They are standing up and fighting 
m for American standards and are doing it lawfully and 
p with amazing patience while the constituted authorities 
S are harassing them on every side. They are fighting for 
J the restoration of constitutional guarantees, torn down 
jj by public officials of western Pennsylvania who have 
( sworn to uphold the Constitution. Revolutionists? I 
1 went into a strikers' meeting in Homestead, and Joseph 
f§ Cannon, an organizer and one of the orators of the 
■ American labor movement, was speaking. "Men," he 
Ij was saying, 

H we want you to have eight hours sc you can learn English. And 
H then you must study American history. Read the Declaration of 
U Independence. Read the history of the American Revolution, of 
= George Washington at Valley Forge, his soldiers without shoes 
S in the dead of winter. Read of the hardships they endured and 
H .low they fought for liberty. And read ot what the foreigner-. 
J have done to build America. Why, men, did you know that 75 per 
B cent of Washington's soldiers were foreigners? That SO per 
jf cent of the men who fought to end the slavery of the black man 

in 1861 were foreign born? In every war America has ever had, 
g the foreigner has played his part and has kept Old Glory flying. 
You should have heard the thunder of applause. 1 
I stood where I could see the men's faces. Foreign-born 
j§ they were for the most part, Slavic in origin almost 
jf altogether, and as they heard this appeal to American 
j tradition every man stood the straighter, and the expres- 
S sion on every face was that of men who felt a kinship 
= with the soldiers of Valley Forge. 

These are the men whom it is proposed to 
S "Americanize" as a remedy for industrial unrest. The 
m best way to do that, I think, will be to Americanize 
fj their working conditions and their local government, so 
1 that they, may have time for thinking and time and oppor- 
B tunity to hold such meetings as those thev are holding 
5 now. Not since 1892 had there been such meetings in 
1 Homestead. 

While in Pittsburgh. I heard about a great'speech made 
§§ at a strikers' meeting by a Pole. Someone who was there 
jj wrote it down for me. It was probably this immigrant's 
jj first public speech in the English language and it was 
= something of a struggle ; but he had something which 
jj had to be said. 

"Mr. Chairman," he said. "Mr. Chairman — just like 
J§ horse and wagon. Put horse in wagon, work all day. 
1 Take horse out of wagon — put in stable. Take horse 
If out of stable, put in wagon. Same way like mills. Work 
H all day. Come home — go sleep, (ret up — go work in 
fj mills — come home. Wife say, 'John, children sick. You 
J help with children.' You say, 'Oh, go to hell' — go sleep. 
m Wife say, 'John, you go town.' You say. 'No' — go sleep. 
jj No know what the hell you do. Fo. - why this war? For 
1 why we buv Liberty bonds? For mills? No, for free- 
1 dom and America — for everybody. No more horse and 

wagon. For eight-hour day." 



i 9 i 9 


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[Continued from payc 89] 
ican Steel and Wire Company at Cuya- 
hoga Heights — a contrast to the meth- 
ods of the constabulary and deputies 
in Pennsylvania in dispersing strikers. 

In Cleveland, Mayor Davis has an- 
nounced he will not permit strike-breakers 
to be brought into the city. During the 
first strike week, 59 strike-breakers came 
in on a train from Detroit. They were 
met by the police, taken to headquarters, 
questioned, and given the alternative of 
returning to Detroit or going to jail. The 
action was based on the city ordinance 
covering suspicious persons and was taken 
"ta prevent riot." One hundred— and_ 
thirty-three such persons were given the 
same treatment the day I left Cleveland. 

The question of the importation and de- 
portation of persons to and from strike 
towns is one of the nice problems which 
the strike has brought to the fore. 

Arrests in Youngstown I found to be 
about normal- — the first week of the strike 
110, the week from October 7-14, when 
the tension was higher, 191. This in com- 
parison with a weekly average of about 
150 over the summer. Of a total of 60 
persons held on suspicion from September 
22 to October 14 — probably strike arrests 
— but ten were held over the three-day 
period, at the end of which time, accord- 
ing to the law, the suspect must be ar- 
raigned and a charge preferred against 
him. Of the ten held, charged with car- 
rying arms and now out on bail, more than 
half were workers entering the mills. 
Contrast this with the record of police 
courts in Newcastle, just across the line 
in Pennsylvania, where those arrested on 
suspicion were being held "until the strike 
is over" and could not get bail and where 
men were released if they promised to go 
to work. Forty were so held in Newcas- 
tle the first week of the strike. 

An interesting evidence of the value 
of real cooperation on the part of civic 
bodies with the authorities in maintain- 
ing order was that of the American 
Legion in Youngstown. Following the 
offering of their services to the mayor, 
so much opposition developed because 
of the number of union men among the 
membership that the legion decided to 
define its position. It would assist in 
the maintenance of order in the city 
but not in any effort to break the strike. 
It asked for a member of the central 
labor body (not the strike committee) 
to meet with its committee weekly. The 
result has made for understanding. The 
ex-service men patrol only the residence 
districts. Their weapons are under coyer. 
On their arms are white bands designating 
them as legion men and the strikers 
know what that means, because of the 
attitude of fair play the legion has 
publicly taken. The organization has been 
active in eliminating the bringing in of 
strikebreaker*. They were successful in 
getting the mill owners to agree not to 
employ men in uniform as guards at the 
mills, and in getting three of the mills— 
the Sharon Steel Hoop, the Republic Iron 
and Steel and the Brier Hill Steel— to 
agree not to attempt to bring in out of 
town guards from private detective agen- 
cies. They are not, as the Newcastle pa- 
pers said of the Newcastle men in uni- 
form, "out having fun." They are con- 
stantly trying to avert trouble in a seri- 
ous situation. 

Ohio, then, I would picture as a state in 
the midst of a strike where constitutional 




rights of assemblage and free speech have 
not been tampered with by public officials 
and where the courts are functioning nor- 
mally ; where the mills have been free to 
hold or win back their men but where the 
men have been free to organize and where 
in some places they have done so nearly 
100 per cent ; where strike excesses have 
been 1 reduced to a minimum largely 
through the unprecedented educational 
campaigns of the strike committees, who 
reached their men because they were per- 
mitted to hold meetings; where justice is 
not a stranger to the courts ; where strike 
issues have not been befogged by the 
higher issues of constitutional rights ; — a 
state in which the governor set the pace 
for action of local authorities in declara- 
tions throughout the strike, which, whether 
one agreed with him or not, made for con- 
fidence in all sections of the population 
rather than for reckless license in one and 
almost desperate hopelessness in another. 
In an address given in Columbus, October 
15, Governor Cox said: 

There are two outstanding features of the situ- 
ation. One is an insidious movement to establish 
a soviet [Bolshevik?] regime in America. The 
public mind will dissociate it from any enterprise 
with which it is mixed and then stamp it out. 
Another very obvious thing is the harvest that 
some captains of industry are reaping from their 
own planting. Aliens by tens of thousands were 
thrown into the mills, poorly housed and little or 
no attention paid to their Americanization. Too 
many people have been more interested in divi- 
dends than in patriotism. The duty of govern- 
ment now is to deport every revolutionist and to 
compel industry where aliens are employed, to 
pay more attention to some things aside from the 
exclusive affair of the day's labor. We have 
had our lesson; it is time we begin to profit by it. 

In a manifesto issued to local authori- 
ties, on October 16, he said : 

No man must be permitted to define the rules 
of his individual conduct. The law is supreme. 
I shall expect its enforcement by local officers. 
When they have rendered their utmost effort and 
failed to meet conditions, then the state will act 

Speaking of the foreigners at the same 
time, he said : 

They are not familiar with our laws, but it is 
safe to assume that the individual conscience tells 
every man that violence is both a moral and a 
legal wrong. 

"Picketing as we understand it," said 
Governor Cox, 

is neither prohibited by law nor condemned by 
public sentiment, but it must go no further than 
moral persuasion. . . . Throughout the years the 
policy has been not to make use of soldiers nor 
policemen to man street cars, for instance, nor 
to in any way make of them the instruments to 
bring a strike to an end. If either state or local 
officers provided safe conveyance of workmen 
into or out of a manufacturing institution, the 
government would be making of itself the agent 
of one of the parties to the dispute. 

This is in contrast to the attitude of 
Governor Sproul of Pennsylvania who, 
the same day in an address in Erie, lauded 
the action of the state constabulary, in 
the face of protest lodged by the presi- 
dent of the State Federation of Labor 
against the "outrages, injustices and 
crimes" of the state constabulary and other 
public officials in the western part of the 
state. Governor Sproul has supported the 
county sheriffs in prohibiting the gather- 
ing of strikers. Of the foreigners he 
wrote : 

The danger comes not from the Knglish-speaking 
workmen but from the foreigners of the com- 
munity, who have neither sympathy for our poli- 
cies nor interest in our institutions. Tradition 
means nothing to them, and lawlessness and dis- 
order are "music to their ears" and a realization 
of their fanciful dreams. 

In his testimony before the Senate com- 
mittee, Judge Gary declared it to be "the 
opinion of the world that open shops mean 
more production, better methods and more 
prosperity, that closed shops mean lower 
production and less prosperity." Where, 
in the estimation of Judge Gary, does the 
opinion of the world stand on the closed 
town ? 

1919 ATLAS 



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History is repeating itself 
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What happens in England today may happen in America tomorrow. 

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small orphanage. Congenial .surroundings 
for right person- Apply: B'nai B'rith Or- 
phanage. Erie Co., Pa. 

write fully about yourself, including work at 
least past five years; salary expected. He- 
brew Orphans' Home, 12th St. and Green 
Lane, Philadelphia, Pa. 

WOMAN with a social service point of 
view, a sense of organization and an under- 
standing of settlements, to work with young 
women. Evenings or full day work. State 
experience or full particulars. Address 3333 

in Southern Ohio, employing 1,800 men and 
women, is in need of a well-trained industrial 
nurse. Must be a woman of good judgment 
and executive ability. First Aid Hospital, 
fully equipped. Address 3334 Survey. 

WANTED: Director and Organizer of 
Public Health Bureau, city of 60,000 in Iowa. 
Must be R. N. with executive ability. Give 
age, experience, references and when avail- 
able. Address 3335 Survey. 


has a few vacancies for visitors, and visiting 
housekeepers. Please communicate with the 
Superintendent of the Relief Department, 
1800 Sclden Street, stating experience, train- 
ing and salary expected. 

a group of prominent liberal educators found- 
ing a "new" school in New York City. This 
means a permanent well paying job for the 
right man or woman. If you are interested 
in modern education and able to raise funds, 
address S. R. S - Valh alla, New York. 

WANTED: Assistant Superintendent to 
take charge of Boys' Department in large 
Jewish institution. Candidates must be pre- 
pared to reside in institution. Previous ex- 
perience in teaching or social service desir- 
able. Apply by mail only stating education 
and previous experience to Superintendent, 
Hebrew Orphan Asylum. 1560 Amsterdam 
Avenue, New York City. 

Campaign Directors ana 

wanted by a National Jewish Institution. 
Men and women who know campaign 
methods and who are able to meet the 
best of men and women in the community. 
They must possess a pleasing personality 
and capable of producing results. We 
offer an excellent opportunity to those who 
can qualify for permanent position. 

Write in full detail and confidence to 
3328 Survey. 


ami administrator; constructive and practical 
Americanizalion director; educational work, 
employment management; legal aid; legisla- 
tive campaign, research and reference; sur- 
veys and investigations. Linguist. Forceful 
speaker with initiative, originally and re- 
sourcefulness. Address 3177 Survey. 

SOCIAL and Welfare Worker (woman) ex- 
perienced college graduate, ,desires position 
in executive or organizing capacity. Address 
3305 Survey. 

AVAILABLE NOVEMBER 1— man, exper- 
ienced in case work, employment, settlement, 
community organization and research. Ad- 
dress 3311 Survey. 

NOW AVAILABLE, social worker exper- 
ienced in settlement, playground and girls' 
organization work. Expert in group recrea- 
tion. Address 3315 Survey. 

WOMAN EXECUTIVE. Fifteen years' ex- 
perience, child welfare, G. 0. S. medical social 
service. At liberty November 1. Address 
3321 Survey. 

YOUNG WOMAN desires position as pro- 
bation officer in a Juvenile Court. Graduate 
of the school of Social Work of Richmond, 
Virginia. Two years' training, specializing 
the second year in Juvenile Court work. Ad- 
dress 3323 Survey. 

WANTED by college woman, secretarial 
position; good stenographer. Office and re- 
search experience; literary ability. Address 
3329 Survey. 

SOCIAL WORKER, experienced in Girls' 
Club and Recreational Work, desires position 
by November 15th. Will go Middle West 
or South. Address 3330 Survey. 

POSITION WANTED as House Mother, 
Housekeeper or Resident Nurse, in institution 
by woman with two exceptionally well-trained 
children (girls, ages seven and nine). Ad- 
dress 3331 Survey. 

SOCIAL WORKER, college graduate, 
trained in family case work, with six years' 
experience as executive, desires position. Ad- 
dress 3332 Sir\ ::i . 

SUPERINTENDENT of small home for 
Jewish orphan working hoys, experienced for 
past five years in institutional and sanatorium 
work, desires position as superintendent, as- 
sistant or manager. Willing to go out of 
town. Address 3336 Survey. 

WANTED: Increased salary. I am at 
present receiving $100 and expenses as field 
secretary for a children's home, traveling 
through several states. Would like similar 
or other traveling position at a higher salary. 
Have had teaching, book-keeping, institutional 
and selling experience. Answer 3327 SURVEY. 


of foot and hand Graphotypes, foot and power 
addressographs, plate holders and cabinets. 
Address 3298 S urvey. 

lars Out Speedily, Economically and Accu- 
rately; and Keep an Inrestructible Record of 
the Names you Want to Address: by buying 
our Addresso graph. It is a Model F2, prints 
through a ribbonlike typewriting, works fif- 
teen times as fast as a typewriter, is equipped 
with 110 volt Alternating Current Motor, is 
Only a year old, is in first class condition, 
and is being disposed ol because we arc pur- 
chasing more elaborate equipment. Price 
$1.50. F. O. B. Louisville. Welfare League, 
1105 Starks Building, Louisville, Ky. 


Political — Educational 
— Fund Raising — 

can be handled by this organization 
down to its most minute detail — every 
worry taken off your hands and carried 
by experienced campaigners. We have 
a campaign organizer, office manager, 
publicity director, field workers and 
stenographic force that can step into 
an institution and conduct a vigorous 
campaign, bringing about better results 
than are possible with a temporary or- 
ganization. Available for contract 
whole or part, January 1, 1920. 
Address Box 3337 Survey 


VISITING Italian teacher will give lessons 
during day or evening hours. References. 
Address Mrs. Cavinato, 3338 Survey. 

TEACHER: Cottage mother wanted for 
small orphanage. Congenial surroundings for 
right person. Apply, B'nai B'rith Orphanage, 
Fairview, Erie Co., Pa. 


First editions. Books now out of print. Latest 
catalogue sent on request. The Oxford Book 
Shop, 42 Lexington Ave., New York. 

First Editions. Catalogue sent on request. 
C. Gerhardt, 25 W. 42d St., N. Y. 


Fifty cents a line per month, four weekly inser- 
tions; copy unchanged throughout the month. 
Mental Hygiene; quarterly; $2 a year; pub 
hshed by The National Committee for Mental 
Hygiene. 50 Union Square, New York. 
Public Health Nurse; monthly; $2 a year; pub 
lished by National Organization for Public 
Health Nursing, 156 Fifth Ave.. New York. 
Hospital Social Service Quarterly; $1.50 a 
year ; published by Hospital Social Service 
Association, 405 Lexington Ave., New York. 
DR. ROBINSON'S Voice in the Wilderness 
has come to life again. It is interesting and 
full of meat from cover to cover. Two <lol- 
, lars a year; twenty cents per copy. 12 Mt. 


Listings fifty cents a line, four weekly inser- 
tions; copx unchanged throughout the month. 
Order pamphlets from publishers. 

Transactions of the First National CO- 
OPERATIVE Convention. 300 pp. $1.00. Pub- 
lished bv the Cooperative League of America, 
2 West 13th St., New York. 

Immigration literature distributed by Na- 
tional Liberal Immigration League, P. O. Box 
1261. New York. Arguments free on request. 

An intensive two weeks' course in 

Boston. October 14-28, 1919. Open to 
social workers, nurses and others inter- 
ested in the care of underweight and 
malnourished children. Director, Win. 
R. P. Emerson, M.D. Fee $50.00, In- 
cluding all materials. Limited number 
partial scholarships. 

Address Mabel Skilton, Secretary of 

Nutrition Clinics for Delicate Children, 

44 Dwight Street, Boston. 





A First -Hand Appraisal of the 
Cincinnati Experiment 

By Edward T. Derine 

The International Labor Congress William L. Chenery 

Restoration of Civil Liberty Richard Roberts 

Retaliation or Treatment? Winthrop D. Lane 

November 15, 1919 10 Cents a Copy $4.00 a Year 

The Authoritative Statement of the Policy of American Labor 

Labor and the Common Welfare 

Compiled and Edited by HAYES ROBBINS from the addresses and writing of 


For thirty-six years, with the exception of one year continuously since 1882, Samuel Gompers has 
been President of the American Federation of Labor, guiding its policy intelligently and conserva- 
tively, showing himself a sound and loyal American even to the extent of antagonizing the radical 
extremists of his own Federation. From his speeches and writings, Hayes Robbins, his associate 
through many years, has compiled the present volume, the first systematic presentation of the idea- 
listic philosophy combined with practical statesmanship that has guided, as the editor says, "an all 
but outlawed group of a few hundred unpopular 'agitators' to a powerful and respected self-govern- 
ing body of nearly four million men and women of every race, language, trade and condition." 

The chapters discuss The Philosophy of Trade Unionism, Labor and the Community, Labor and the 
Law, Labor's Stand on Public Issues, The Political Policy of Organized Labor, Labor's Place in 
Modern Progress, Organized Labor's Challenge to Socialism and Revolution, Labor in the War for 
Democracy and Liberty. This volume will be followed by LABOR AND THE EMPLOYER, the 
two together forming a comprehensive work on "LABOR MOVEMENTS AND LABOR PROB- 
LEMS IN AMERICA." In Press. $3.00 

The Labor Situation in Great Britain and France 

Report of the Commission on Foreign Inquiry of THE NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION 

In February, 1919, a commission of seven members, representing capital, labor and the general public, appointed by the National 
Civic Federation to study at first hand the labor situation abroad, began an intensive investigation into conditions in Great Britain 
and France. The special concrete problems with which they dealt were the adjustment of relations between employers and em- 
ployees, the shop committee system, the joint industrial council plan recommended in the Whitley reports, and the housing pro- 
blem. The report is full of interest to every one concerned in the peaceful settlement of our own problems. $2.50 

Labor and Reconstruction in Europe 


"This is a book that will bring joy to the historian's heart because it contains, within reasonable compass, a fine collection of 
sources, together with numerous references and a well-selected bibliography . . . abhors verbiage and padding, advocates no 
policy, sponsors no schemes, and offers to the reader the delicate flattery of presenting only the facts." — The Review. $2.50 

Labor in the Changing World 

By R. M. MacIVER 

The author discusses the new elements introduced into labor during the past few years, the resulting change of attitude of labor 
towards the whole social body, and the measures which must be taken to maintain the orderly development of social forces and 
prevent an upheaval that can only result in catastrophe. A sane and courageous book. $2.00 

Modern Germany: Its Rise, Growth, Downfall and Future 


"We are glad that a new and greatly enlarged edition should have made once more available a work that had extraordinary value 
in its earlier form and that has now been brought up to date with the same iucid and comprehensive accuracy. ... It is 
not easy to apportion the praise to the various parts of a work of such uniform excellence. . . . Many admirable books have 
been written on the many phases of the war — political, social and economic. Here we have a combination of all, one that is 
admirably balanced and that is alike retrospective and and anticipatory." — San Francisco Argonaut. $6.00 

Germanism from Within (New Edition Revised) 


On the basis of seven years of close and intimate acquaintance with the masses of the German people, the author analyzes the psy- 
chology of the average German citizen, in peace and in war, showing his reactions to the events concerning which the outside 
world has wondered. Particularly valuable is the final chapter added in this edition on "The Mind and Mood of Germany Today." 


The France I Know 


A study of the France of yesterday and today, with special reference to the building up out of devastation and destruction of the 
France of tomorrow. "It is refreshing," says The New York Evening Post, "to meet with such a book, not because it is on a 
subject beloved of civilized man, but by reason of its sincerity. . . . For the. discussions of George Sand, Jeanne dArc, and 
French education alone, the purchase of this book is worth while. It would be money spent in acquiring the information that 
builds up. It shows as clearly as any small book can why France is immortal." $4.00 

France Facing Germany 


A notable set of speeches and articles by the "Grand Old Man" of France. "The title of the book might better read Clemenceau 
Facing Germany. But, after all, is not this grand old man, with his many failings and splendid virtues, a true personification of 
dauntless France? . . . The book is a faithful account of the reactions of the French nation under the frightful pressure of the 
war, but never at any time do we find a hint of discouragement. . . . The psychologist will find in it enlightenment on the 
etat d'ame of the French during a most important period of their history." — P. d"e Bacourt in The Political Science Quarterly. 


International Commerce and Reconstruction 


After some introductory chapters on the economic development of nations, the history of American Commerce, and the effects upon 
it of the war, the author discusses clearly the immediate needs of the situation, the reorganization of international credit and 
America's trade policy. It is an exceedingly timely and very valuable work. In Press 




No. 4 


Paragraphs of the Common Welfare 103 

The International Labor Conference 

William L. Chenery 107 
The Restoration of Civil Liberty - Richard Roberts 109 

Women Physicians and Woman's Health 110 

Retaliation or Treatment? - - - Winthrop D. Lane 112 
The Social Unit in Cincinnati - - Edward T. Devine 115 

A Brighter Day for Mrs. Pruhn - - - Amy Woods 127 

Food Distribution B. L. 

Local Elections and Expert Advice 

The City Beautiful 

The Tinkham Bill 

No Training Needed? 



SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc., Publishers 

ROBERT W. de FOREST, President 

112 East 19th Street, New York 

955 Grand Avenue, Chicago 

Single Copies of this issue, 10 cents. Cooperating subscriptions, $10 a 
year. Regular subscriptions weekly edition $4 a year; foreign postage 
$1.50 extra; Canadian 75 cents. Regular subscriptions once-a-month 
edition $2 a year; foreign postage 60 cents extra; Canadian 35 cents. 
Changes of address should be mailed us ten days in advance. When 
payment is by check a receipt will be sent only upon request. Copy- 
right, 1919, by Survey Associates, Inc. Entered as second class 
matter at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 
1879. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for 
in section 1103, act of October 3, 1917, authorized on June 26, 1918. 


The striking coal miners demand a five-day working week, six hours 
i day. Is that because they want less work or more work? The 
Jnderlying problem of regularization of employment for which neither 
injunctions, nor high tonnage rates, nor governmental inaction nor the 
strikes demands are sufficient remedy will be analyzed. 


That was the title Winthrop D. Lane put over his article three years 
igo, when V. Everit Macy was running for reelection as Commissioner 
)f Charities of Westchester County on the Democratic ticket. Last 
nonth he ran again — this time on the Republican ticket. He was 
elected hands down. What his work in revivifying the old political 
nstitution of the county may mean will be reviewed by Mr. Lane on 
he basis of three years more of development. 


The state of social workers and all those interested in the public 
velfare, in fiscal reform at Washington. 


ONE grateful by-product of the printers' strike in New 
York ought to have been a falling off in morbidity 
from adventitious diseases. Why? The answer was 
given back in 1914 by Dr. Wm. M. Brickner in a little skit 
at a banquet of the American Medical Editors' Association. 
A paragraph in what purported to be "A Letter from Our 
Old Friend Dooley" ran: 

Only yisterday I said to Hinnissey: "Hinnissey," I says, "Have yez 
ever thought phwat a calamity it would be if all the docs would shtop 
readin' thim midical journals? Do yez know, I sez, that we'd all git 
will of only old-fashioned diseases, instid of dyin' of new-fangled 
ones?' " 


THE organization of the League of Red Cross Societies, 
with headquarters at Geneva, is now complete. Its 
board of directors consists of Henry P. Davison 
(America), Sir Arthur Stanley (Great Britain), Count Jean 
deKergorlay (France), Count Guiseppe Frascara (Italy) 
and Prof. A. Ninagawa (Japan). In addition to the central 
office, it has departments of public health and hygiene, of 
development and of information and publication. The health 
department has bureaus dealing with child welfare, tuber- 
culosis, malaria, preventive medicine, venereal diseases and 
nursing. In addition to the founder countries, represented 
in the board of directors, twenty-one other states are mem- 
bers of the league. One of the first steps taken has been the 
dispatch of missions to Poland and to Czechoslovakia. The 
Polish government is anxious that the league take over the 
management of two lines of sanitary cordons to fight typhus 
on the eastern frontier of the republic, one permanent and 
the other mobile, and that it form a general Polish committee 
to combat disease. The league commission, considering it 
not the function of the league to establish such a sanitary 
cordon for one nation against her neighbors, nevertheless has 
offered active assistance in measures of relief and prevention 
and will propose a definite plan of cooperation when its 
investigations are completed. 


" Hj^ IFTY cents a week was what I got when I was a phar- 
P macist's apprentice, and I worked from seven o'clock 
in the morning until eleven at night, and after that 
I studied," said the gray-haired manager of a prosperous 
drug store in upper Manhattan. "Now we work from ten 
to twelve hours a day, and an apprentice gets $12 a week." 
Such are the traditions and the present conditions of the 
pharmacists who have astonished New York and themselves 
by going on strike. They have made common cause with 
their non-professional fellow clerks in the drug stores, and 



Web. Brown in the Youngstown Citizen 

?£si\U3B ~V@& <§@0C3© T© 0,11 

©©flia© "?© C»@E!K? 



An Anti-agitator Cartoon from the Youngstown Citizen, 
Official Publication oj ike Youngstown Automobile Club. 

are demanding a forty-eight-hour week, wage increases and 
the closed shop. 

Registered pharmacists in New York State are required 
to have in addition to a high school course, two years' pro- 
fessional training and four years' experience in a drug store. 
Junior pharmacists must have the same education, with less 
experience. The wage scale in the Liggett chain stores, as 
given out by their employment department, is $28 to $40 
a week for registered pharmacists, $18 to $30 for junior 
pharmacists, and $12 to $18 for apprentices. Wages for 
drug stores in general in Greater New York, as stated by 
the secretary of the Bronx employing druggists' associa- 
tion, average a little higher than these figures, while hours 
average ten or eleven a day, with every other Sunday a 

Three thousand men are on strike and the union reports 
that six hundred or seven hundred stores have signed the 
union agreement. Other employers refuse any concessions. 
The manager of one of the largest Liggett stores said, "We 
will not tolerate unionism." The union reports clubbing of 
pickets, and it would seem that the tactics employed by cer- 
tain stores are arousing class consciousness among phar- 
macists who hitherto had not joined the union. An irate 
young man, well dressed, was encountered as he was looking 

for union headquarters. "I walked out of 's today." 

he announced. "They had two detectives walking up and 
down in the store. Customers would come in and say 'What 
about the strike?' and these guys would stick around and 
listen to what you answered. I asked ethe manager what they 
were there for and he said, 'To stop disorder.' Believe me, 
if there's any disorder it will be started by them." 

Before affiliating with organized labor the drug clerks 
made efforts to get legislation through at Albany providing 

for the eight or nine-hour day. In 1918 they were urged 
on grounds of patriotism to continue long hours. In 1919, 
with the war crisis past, their efforts were no more success- 
ful. This failure, together with complaints that the present 
law providing for 120 hours work in two weeks was con- 
stantly violated, led the drug clerks this fall to join the 
Retail Clerks' International Protective Association, an or- 
ganization affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, 
and the international president is conducting their strike. 



WIMMING is the only exercise what you come clean 
from." "Swimming is 99 parts confidence and one 
part experience, taken in water — frequently." The 
first statement is a small boy's, the second a grown-up's 
argument for teaching all young people to swim. Both are 
used in a campaign to that end started by the National Safety 


ALMOST simultaneously with the opening of the In- 
ternational Labor Conference the first International 
Congress of Working Women was held at Washing- 
ton. All of the five items on the agenda of the labor con- 
ference concern women and two affect women exclusively. 
In spite of this although there were women advisers no 
women delegates were sent to the first of the congresses of 
the League of Nations. 

The congress was called by the National Women's Trade 
Union League of America. At the opening session in the 
New National Museum in Washington, delegates from six- 
teen foreign countries representing working women in South 
America, Europe, the Far East and the United States were 
present. The spirit of the Congress was expressed by 
Mary Van Kleeck, first chief of the federal women's bureau 
when she said, "Women must seek not protection against the 
evils of industry but a position which will enable them as 
women to remove the evils of industry which affect both 
men and women workers and which are detrimental to the 
home and to the welfare of children." 

Getting promptly into action the congress of women were 
able to draft their conclusions on the principle of the eight- 
hour day or forty-eight-hour week in time to have it pre- 
sented to the International Labor Conference before that 
body got far into the discussion of hours of labor and of 
leisure. The convention suggested by the working women 
is as follows: 

1. For all workers a maximum eight-hour day and forty-four hour 

2. That the weekly rest period shall have an uninterrupted duration 
of at least one day and a half. 

3. That in continuous industries a minimum rest period of one-half 
an hour shall be accorded in each eight-hour shift. 

But even before the eight-hour day was considered the 
working women's congress adopted its initial resolution de- 
manding that in the next International Labor Conference 
one-half of the delegates be women. Significantly the mo- 
tion calling for this equality was made by a French woman. 
Jeanne Bouvier, a member of the supreme council ol 
the French Federation of Labor and a technical adviser tc 
the French delegate in the present International Labor Con 

The resolution concerning child labor which was adoptee 
by the working women was substantially that formulate* 
by the Children's Bureau conference at Washington las 
May. (See the Survey for May 10.) In effect it propose; 
that sixteen years be the lower limit of child labor, and tha 
all minors be excluded from night work and from trades haz 
ardous to their health or normal development. For them 
selves the working women asked few exemptions. Their reso 
lution dealing with hazardous trades asked chiefly for "prohi 
bition of the employment of women only in trades which can 



not be made healthy for women as potential mothers," and 
for the prohibition of home work where poisonous substances 
were involved. The key note of equality rather than of 
special protection sounded by Miss Van Kleeck was repeated 
by delegates from various nations. European working 
women pointed ironically to a tendency among men to re- 
gard the better paid trades as dangerous for women. The 
prohibition of night work for all women and for men save 
in continuous industries essential to public service was, how- 
ever, demanded. 

Another significant resolution was that of Margaret Bond- 
field, the British delegate and one of the technical advisers 
to the British representative in the International Labor Con- 
ference. The congress at Miss Bondfield's suggestion pro- 
tested against the blockade against a greater part of Russia 
on the grounds th?.t millions of women and children are the 
victims of this economic warfare. A temporary organiza- 
tion was formed with Mrs. Raymond Robins as president. 
Provisional officers will be established in the United States. 
At the next congress tc be held synchronously with the 
Second International Labor Conference, a permanent organ- 
ization is to be undertaken. 


THE dramatic dissolution of the President's Industrial 
Conference on October 24, at the end of the third 
week of its deliberations, is a fair measure of the 
bitterness of the present industrial struggle. The brief his- 
tory of the conference may, however, be a profitable prepa- 
ration for another subsequent convention which will be 
able to chart the path to industrial peace. 

The meeting really collapsed on October 22, when the 
employers' group finally rejected the compromise resolu- 
tion on collective bargaining. This was as follows: 

The right of wage-earners to organize without discrimination, to 
bargain collectively, to be represented by representatives of their own 
choosing in negotiations and adjustments with their employers in 
respect to wages, hours of labor, and relations and conditi-ns of em- 
ployment is recognized. 

Both the Public Group and the Labor Group voted in 
favor of this modified resolution. Because of the rules of 
the conference, however, a majority of each group was ne- 
cessary for its approval. When it was seen that the Em- 
ployers' Group would not assent, a majority of the Labor 
Group withdrew. As they left Samuel Gompers, chairman 
of the group and president of the American Federation of 
Labor, is reported to have spoken as follows to the em- 
ployers : 

The word you have spoken here means nothing. You have defeated 
the labor group in its declaration but we will meet you again in con- 
ference and when we do meet you there you will be glad to talk 
collective bargaining. 

Immediately thereafter Mr. Gompers called a national 
conference of labor leaders to consider the situation. The 
break came despite an eloquent appeal written by President 
Wilson from his sick bed in which among other things the 
President asked: 

Are our industrial leaders and our industrial workers to live together 
without faith in each other, constantly struggling for advantage over 
each other, and doing naught but what is compelled? 

An affirmative answer to such a question would be an invitation to 
national disaster. 

Yet the affirmative answer was recorded. After the labor 
representatives departed the President through Secretary 
Lane requested the Public Group to continue the work alone, 
thus in effect dismissing the employers. 

The Employers' Group issued a statement in which it 
was argued that the closed shop — which it asserted was im- 
plied in "cunning phrases coined to carry double meaning" 
—was really the point of division. The Public Group con- 
tinued one day longer when it made a report to the Presi- 

dent. In this report it suggested that another conference 
more broadly representative than the public's representa- 
tives alone, should be called together and given a definite 
program to consider. 

By its early bankruptcy the President's industrial con- 
ference has taken its place with other historic efforts made 
in this country to bridge the chasm between employers and 
their employes. Except for the conference which led up to 
the establishment of the National War Labor Board no repre- 
sentative assemblage in this country has been able to agree 
upon a code of industrial peace. 


IN its sixth annual meeting, the first since the armistice, 
the American Social Hygiene Association presented the 
most extensive program it has yet undertaken. With the 
increased public interest in the subject of venereal disease 
which has grown out of the war; with the enlarged experi- 
ence of the staff of the Association— the aura of their late 
military titles still clinging about their heads, and the addi- 
tion to the country's resources of a corps of men who have 
been trained in social hygiene work in connection with the 
army; with the new prestige attached to its principles 
through the favor won by "the American plan," not only at 
home but also among foreign authorities; with the improved 
tools for educational purposes, such as the animated dia- 
grams which have been devised to teach soldiers what they 
need to know about venereal diseases — with all these reas- 
ons, it is inevitable that the Association should take up its 
old task with renewed vigor and enthusiasm and widened 

That the social hygiene program is not a "private fight" 

Drawn by Fred. C. Ellis 

A Steel Strike Cartoon from the New Majority, Organ of 
the Chicago Labor Party, of which John Fitzpatrick is Head. 



but that "anybody can get in" was emphasized by many 
speakers and by the very plan of the program. There were 
five sessions, each one dedicated to a different profession, 
and each one meeting in suitable surroundings: the Medical 
Section, at the New York Academy of Medicine; the Social 
Work Section, at Greenwich House; the Religious Leaders' 
Section, at Union Theological Seminary; the Legal Section, 
at the Association of the Bar of New York; and the Educa- 
tors' Section, at the Horace Mann School. The more im- 
portant of the papers which were presented will be made 
available by publication in Social Hygiene, the quarterly 
magazine of the association. Stereomotographs and educa- 
tional publications were on exhibit at each of the meetings, 
and on the opening night, at the Medical Section, one of the 
films of animated diagrams was shown. It was the one 
about gonorrhea, and the audience would testify that it tells 
the story of how the disease originates and the damage it 
may do in a way that makes it hard to forget. 

To apply to the general population the "American plan" 
of controlling venereal disease through a four-fold program 
of education, law enforcement, recreation, and medical 
measure, is, in a word, the aim of the Social Hygiene As- 
sociation. This requires the cooperation of all the profes- 
sions, and to get the best results each must have some under- 
standing of the point of view of all the others. The magis- 
trate who considers only the legal aspect of the case before 
him, the physician who is satisfied with curing the disease 
in the patient without doing what he can to instruct him 
about it, and the social worker who thinks "it is about time 
that this habeas corpus business was abolished," because it 
"is always getting in the way" in her cases, must learn from 
one another, and so on all around the circle. For this reason 
the program of the sixth annual meeting is an admirable 
prelude to the period of larger undertakings on which the 
social hygiene movement is entering. 


«^|INCE I have come in contact with social reformers and 
^^ social workers," said the Rev. Samuel M. Crothers of 
Cambridge, before the General Conference of Unitar- 
ian Churches in Baltimore recently, "I have come to observe 
that one-third of their power and energy goes into work they 
are undertaking and the other two-thirds in keeping on good 
terms with their fellow reformers." 


AS a result of publicity in the Survey and an argu- 
ment made before Judge John C. Pollock, federal 
judge for the district of Kansas, the I. W. W. prison- 
ers who have been under indictment for two years in that 
state without coming to trial, will not be kept in the rat- 
infested, insanitary county jail at Wichita during the hear- 
ing of their cases. Judge Pollock has ordered that the 
case be transferred from Wichita to Kansas City, Kansas, 
so that the men can be kept in the Wyandotte county jail 
in that city. The trial has been set for December 1. 

It will be remembered that the conditions in the Sedg- 
wick county jail at Wichita were described by Winthrop 
D. Lane in an article entitled "Uncle Sam: Jailer" in the 
Survey for September 6, as the result of his staff investi- 
gation of the conditions under which Federal prisoners are 
confined. Following this, affidavits by Mr. Lane and by 
Caroline A. Lowe, an attorney for the I. W. W., describing 
those conditions as filthy and unhealthful, were presented 
to Judge Pollock. Judge Pollock appointed a committee of 
three well-known lawyers to investigate the jail. This com- 
mittee reported that the plumbing in the jail was "a con- 
stant menace to the health of prisoners," that the roof leaked 
and was out of repair, that the cells bore traces of having 
been infested with bed bugs for "an indefinite period of 
time," that "no proper or systematic effort has ever been 
made or enforced for keeping the interior of the jail in a 
clean and sanitary conditions," and that at present it is "not 
a fit or suitable place in which persons awaiting trial should 
be confined." This report bore out officially many of the 
specific criticisms made by Mr. Lane. 

Following the report Judge Pollock remarked that "these 
defendants are human benigs and I must have them removed 
at once, and we will set the trial for another time and place." 
It is understood that no further delay in the case will be 
allowed and that the trial will actually begin December 1. 
The condemnation of the jail came as something of a 
blow to many good Wichitans. Local pride had induced 
many who had never visited the jail to defend it against un- 
favorable criticism. Prior to Judge Pollock's decision the 
news columns of the Wichita Eagle had declared that the 
unfavorable reports of outside investigators had been "ex- 
ploded." Now this paper has accepted the true situation 
and is urging in its editorial columns a new jail. 

Labor Developments As Some Cartoonists See Them 

The Steel Strike. The General Situation. The Waterfront Strike 




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From Labor, Washington 

Marcus, in New York Times Magazine 

"The Steel Gate" 

'It Always Happens When Company Comes 

The International Labor Conference 

By William L. Chenery 


I HE federation of man, so far from being a far-off 
livine event, is making its initial and partial appear- 
ance in the International Labor Conference now in 
session at Washington. 
An impressive spectacle is this first of the international 
congresses created through the agency of the League of 
Nations. The present power of the International Labor 
Conference is from some points of view slight. Its range 
is sharply limited. It is possibly more representative of 
governments than it is of peoples. It is unwieldly because it 
is still in the process of gestation. Nonetheless it is an in- 
spiring beginning. With all its handicaps it is as full of 
promise as was the American Continental Congress. Given 
a favorable opportunity for development it will doubtless 
mark a distinct a step forward as did that legislative embryo 
out of which the American government grew. 

Delegates from thirty-two diverse nations now compose its 
membership. Others are due. Delegates from the Central 
Empires will be received as soon as the physical difficulties 
of travel can be overcome. The greater part of the world 
has sent spokesmen. India has its governmental, its employer, 
and its worker delegates. China has its respresentatives. The 
nations of South America have their deputies. South Africa 
and Australia are there. The principal labor and social 
movement of the world— with the exception of the more 
radical sections— have their exponents. The conference is 
probably as truly representative as any first world congress 
practically could be. If contemporary society has a dominant 
will concerning some of the vital industrial problems, the 
International Labor Conference ought to be able to give it 

Like the ill-fated Industrial Conference called by Presi- 
dent Wilson, the International Labor Conference is holding 
its meetings in the Pan-American Building. Because of archi- 
tectural necessities, however, the delegates are seated facing 
the direction opposite to that in which the President's con- 
ference looked. Something of the symbolism of that coincid- 
ence is stressed by the spirit of the international assembly. 
There too, the class struggle rears its head. There again the 
solidarity between employers, even between those of various 
nations, and similarly between workers, seems at times more 
potent than the unity to be found in the national groups. 
But not always. For at the moments when clashes between 
labor and capital have drawn forth the fires of anger, dele- 
gates happily have arisen above the boundaries of their class 
to speak the spirit of international agreement. 

On more than one occasion that happend. So, for 
example, when D. S. Majoribanks, the British employers' 
delegate, brought in the proposals of the international em- 
ployers, which the workers thought would modify too effect- 
ually the actual operation of the eight-hour day, sharp words 
passed between employers' and workers' delegates. But 
the bitterness of the moment was quickly mitigated when 
J. A. E. Verkado, the employers' delegate from the Nether- 
lands, and when Ing. F. Quartieri, the employers' delegate 
from Italy, each protested that they had not signed the em- 
ployers' proposals and announced that they favored the eight- 
hour day and urged the spirit of constructive conciliation in 
handling the work of the conference. That fact and also the 

provision that members of the conference vote as individuals, 
guarantee that the variety of opinion held by the different 
delegates will not be lost in group voting and speaking. 
This augurs well for the success of the conference. 

An international gathering is of necessity a large body 
and consequently difficult to move. That is the first and most 
permanent impression which one gets from the conference 
at Washington. The interests represented are too numerous 
and too divergent to make hasty action possible. The inter- 
national assembly could never be stampeded. Too much 
energy is required in abundance. Seldom before have so 
many skilled orators met in a single hall in America. Speak- 
ing is of a very high order. Leon Jouhaux, secretary-general 
of the French General Federation of Labor ; Gino Baldesi, the 
Italian workers' delegates, and others from all of the groups, 
have given brilliant demonstrations of the forensic excellence 
of Europe. Samuel Gompers, who, although the United States 
cannot officially participate in the conference because of the 
delay of Congress in ratifying the League of Nations, still is 
present through the invitation of the nations which are legally 
represented, is not least among those whose eloquence gives 
distinction to the assemblage. 

But not even persuasive and charming speech induces 
rapid motion in an international conference. The barrier 
of language is too great. The passion of the speaker 
cannot pierce the wall of a failure to make what he 
says understood. There is, of course, translation. English 
and French are the official languages on the floor, while the 
daily proceedings of the conference are printed in English, 
French and Spanish. The necessity of translation more than 
doubles the time consumed in the sessions. It also tends to 
dissipate the emotional effects of oratorical enthusiasm. A 
paragraph of passion uttered in Italian or Czech becomes a 
ripple rather than a wave by the time it has been repeated 
by interpreters in English and in French. But although long- 
drawn the sessions of the International Labor Conference are 
never dull. They are too much touched by the sense of high 
occasion for that. A dignity and seriousness of purpose, a 
sense of responsibility for bringing to fruition the desire of 
civilized mankind to direct rationally its own future, gives a 
solemnity to the conference. 

The feeling is general that a great experiment is being 
conducted. In the four corners of the high ceiling of the 
white hall of the Americas the word P A X is repeated. There 
for an era of peace the pioneer labor of legislating for the 
normal industrial conditions of the nations is being essayed. 
And in very truth the conference has become an international 
forum. So free is it that when Japanese workers were dis- 
satisfied with the methods used in the selection of the Japanese 
workers' representative, the labor spokesmen of other nations 
were enabled to state the plea of their confreres against the 
government of Nippon. That alone, ,the creation of a meeting 
place where the workers of the world are enabled to express 
their aspirations, would have been a great gain. But this is 
only one of the incidental benefits of the International Labor 

The program of the conference was formulated by the 
Peace Conference. This was drafted last winter by a com- 
mission created by the Peace Conference and composed of 




two representatives each of the five great powers and five 
representatives of the lesser powers. The agenda for the 
present meeting so outlined is as follows: 

1. Application of principle of the eight-hour day or of the forty- 
eight hour week. 

2. Question of preventing or providing against unemployment. 

3. Women's employment: 

(a) Before and after child-birth, including the question of 
maternity benefit; 

(b) During the night; 

(c) In unhealthy processes. 

4. Employment of children: 

(a) Minimum age of employment; 

(b) During the night; 

(c) In unheatlhy processes. 

5. Extension and aoplication of the international conventions adopted 
at Bern in 1906, on the application of night work for women employed 
in industry and the prohibition of the use of white phosphorus in the 
manufacture of matches. 

The agenda include some of the most pressing of industrial 
problems, but they do not contain those elements on which 
controversy is now most acute. The question of collective 
bargaining, that rock on which foundered the President's 
Industrial Conference, is not up for consideration. It is 
fortunate. For as George N. Barnes, the British governmental 
delegate and representative of labor in the War Cabinet, said, 
this is the first and not the last of the international labor 
conferences. The limitation imposed by the agenda sub- 
mitted by the Peace Conference is therefore a source of 
strength rather than of weakness. It enhances the possibility 
of preliminary success. After international labor conferences 
have stabilized their organization by years of successful legis- 
lation it will be possible with safety to deal with matters 
which now would invite destruction for the entire enterprise. 
The organizing committee submitted a questionnaire cov- 
ering the items on the agenda, to the countries participating 
in the conference. On the basis of the replies received and 
of the investigations carried on, substantial reports have been 
prepared and submitted to the conference. These are highly 
valuable. They afford models which might well be consid- 
ered by American legislative assemblies. For the adequate 
preparation of material in advance of the actual conference 
inevitably expedites and strengthens its work. 

The first business undertaken by the conference was the 
consideration of the application of the eight-hour day or the 
forty-eight-hour week. The Peace Conference itself adopted 
the principle. The International Labor Conference is con- 
sidering only the application of the principle already adopted. 
Since, however, principles professed but not practiced are 
worthless, the conferees at Washington are nonetheless in 
effect considering legislation looking to the short work-day 
for most of the world. In many countries the eight-hour 
day has already been embodied in legislation and in many 
others it has been sanctioned in various trades by practice. 
For those countries accordingly the question has largely 
an academic interest for the workers, while employers are 
chiefly concerned in getting an equality of working hours 
so that international trade competition will be fair. 

Mr. Barnes, of the British delegation opened the debate 
on the shorter working day by proposing that the draft of- 
fered by the organizing committee be adopted for discussion. 
The organizing committee had urged a modified forty-eight- 
hour week rather than an eight-hour day. This at once set in 
motion a lengthy discussion. The proposal of Mr. Barnes 
was attacked by P. M. Draper, secretary-treasurer of the 
Trades and Labor Congress of Canada, and by Samuel 
Gompers among others. After two days of speeches the con- 
ference decided to debate both the eight-hour day and the 
forty-eight-hour week. 

The Peace Conference specifically recognized that "dif- 
ferences of climate, habits and customs, of economic oppor- 
tunity and tradition make strict uniformity in the conditions 
of labor difficult of immediate attainment." The labor con- 
ference following this provided a special committee to deal 
with the eight-hour day in countries which made such claims 
for exemption. Among these Japan has been most prominent. 
The practice of the eight-hour day is not now common in 
Japan. Only in a few factories and more generally in the 
mines has it been accepted. In announcing its attitude, the 
Japanese government said that its workers had "not yet 
obtained the habit of intensive work during their working 
hours" and that "the Japanese government intends therefore 
to adopt the principle of the eight-hour day only to a limited 
extent." It was asserted that the efficiency of the Japanese 
worker is from 30 to 50 per cent less than that of English 

Such an uneven acceptance of the rulings adopted by the 
International Labor Conference is inherent in the existing 
organization of the world. Yet the very fact that all govern- 
ments are called before the bar of world opinion and asked 
to state their cases is a powerful influence for progress. To 
acknowledge industrial backwardness is not easy in a congress 
composed of the nations of the world. It tends to inspire 
forward movement. 

A dramatic illustration of how free a forum the interna- 
tional congresses may become was shown when a group of 
Japanese Socialists distributed in the Pan-American build- 
ing a bitter indictment of the methods alleged to have been 
used by the Japanese government in its treatment of labor. 
The document was not made a part of the official record 
but it was actually put in the hands of the delegates to the 
conference and made available for the press. On its face it was 
a damaging answer to the official assertions of the Tokio gov- 
ernment concerning the necessity in Japan of the long work- 
ing day. The destructive circumstances alleged to surround 
the women workers in the textile factories, even though the 
radical assertions are true to the letter, will not probably 
be changed by the present conference but in the long run 
none of the great nations are likely to maintain conditions 
which affront the public opinion of the world. 

Serious work is being done at Washington on all of the 
various questions brought before the conference. Earnestly 
the problems set before the conference are being attacked. 
The long corridors of a section of the mammoth new Navy 
building open into endless offices occupied by those perform- 
ing the arduous routine of the first attempt at international 
legislation. An expert organization has been created. The 
labor ministries of most of the world are ably represented. 
In fact, the conspicuousness of trained experts is one of the 
outstanding features of the conference. Acknowledging the 
industrial character of this generation, capital and labor have 
been clearly called into this first world congress, but the 
governments have chosen to remain dominant. Half of the 
delegates are government officials. They constitute a bloc 
which will decide finally the character of the conference. 
The conflicting interests of employers and employes rise to 
the surface, but on any issue the governmental spokesmen 
still remain a solid body, strong enough to assure the action 
they desire. That fact is of great importance. It is, with 
the forceful and fair leadership which the secretary of labor, 
William B. Wilson, has as presiding officer brought to the 
conference, a guaranty that sober commonsense, avoiding 
wreck, will drive onward to genuine achievements in the 
establishment of law in industry throughout the world. 


The Restoration of Civil Liberty 

By Richara Roberts 

DURING the war, in Great Britain and America, 
small companies of people banded themselves to- 
gether to do what they could to help save the 
traditional liberties of the English-speaking peo- 
ples from being altogether lost in the general scrapping of 
normal social processes which a state of war is supposed to 
require. In the heat of the time movements of this sort were 
naturally suspected; and it was easy to inoculate the public 
mind with the idea that they were sustained by "German 
gold." Yet all the time it was true that the war was being 
fought to preserve these very liberties. Some who perceived 
this argued that a temporary suspension of these liberties 
was necessary if they were to be permanently saved; but it 
is now being discovered that it is less easy to restore them 
than it was to suspend them. 

It happens to be true that most of those who took it upon 
diemselves to resist the war-time encroachments upon civil 
liberty were themselves heretics respecting the war. For one 
reason or another, they were opposed to participation in the 
war; and it was therefore they who felt most acutely the 
war-time restrictions. But there were others who joined the 
movement because they recognized that freedom needed to be 
preserved from the danger within as well as from the enemy 
without. They saw that the free nations were in danger, 
while in the very act of disposing of the German menace, of 
sliding into the grip of a menace to their liberties the more 
dangerous just because it was home-made. The problem of 
civil liberty in war time is not merely a question of elbow- 
room for the pacifist; it is that of building an ark during the 
flood for our most priceless treasure. And now that the 
recovery of some of the most elementary liberties is proving 
so tough a task, it looks almost as though we had thrown the 
baby away with the bath. 

It was not alone the sense of danger and therefore of the 
need of swift and complete mobilization of national re- 
sources that accounts for the completeness with which our 
normal liberties were abrogated during the war. At any 
rate it would have been less easy to compass this result had 
there been any general understanding of the meaning and 
worth of these liberties. As our generation had not paid the 
price of them, it gave them away as lightly as men com- 
monly give away the things that have cost them nothing. 
And it will take us a long time to recover them. Authority 
(wheresoever it resides) is ever loth to surrender any advan- 
tage it has acquired. The morning these lines are written, 
it is reported that Senator France's bill for the repeal of the 
Espionage act has been adversely reported upon by a com- 
mittee of the Senate on the ground that its provisions are 
necessary — not (obviously) for the prosecution of a war 
which has come to an end but — for the enforcement of pro- 
hibition. The British Parliament has given another year's 
life to that very unpopular female, Dora, or at least to 
parts of her; and if the present government is in power at 
the end of that year, no doubt it will try to prolong her 
deplorable life for yet another season. Twas ever thus. 
And now that the war is over, and the pacifist has ceased 
from troubling, there is a very real tendency to stretch out 
the war-time restrictions to cover other heresies that appear 
to be more immediately dangerous. Especially at the pres- 
ent time does there seem to be a good deal of readiness — 

both of an official and of a merely officious kind — to root out 
and to suppress economic dissent. 

There is perhaps at the moment little more needful than 
a restatement of the case for liberty — especially liberty of 
opinion and discussion. This is a generation which knows 
neither its Milton nor its Mill; and its indifference to its lib- 
erties is a graver danger to it than it feared yesterday from 
the kaiser or that it fears today from Lenine. For when a 
people becomes tolerant of intolerance — in whatever speci- 
ous guise the intolerance walks abroad — it courts sure un- 
doing. Historically, dissent has almost always proved to be 
the growing point of society. This is not to affirm the plen- 
ary inspiration of minorities, but simply to call attention to 
the fact that most of the solid social gains of the past have 
been the achievement of small dissenting groups of men and 
women who were damned by their contemporaries as rebels 
and enemies of social order. By this time we should have 
gained wit enough to suffer the dissenter gladly, but we have 
not. And so today we stand in jeopardy. 

The old world has crumbled into dust at our feet, and it 
can never be restored. The war has broken for good and all 
the bands which held the pre-war world together. For the 
moment we are adrift and have no idea of our bearings. 
Some of us are still thinking in the idiom of the time when 
the law of supply and demand, the sanctity of property 
rights, the gilt-edged security, the two-party system and the 
like seemed the everlasting ramparts of the universe; and 
naturally those who think thus are busily engaged in under- 
pinning the ramparts, being unable to understand that they 
disappeared in 1914. Others there are who have conceived 
a new world in which the Marxian dogma replaces the an- 
cient rubrics and who have set out with a grim logicality to 
impose a proletarian sovereignty upon a palpably unready 
world. Between the imperialism of the British Empire 
Union and the Americanism of the National Security League 
and the National Civic Federation on the one side, with the 
illusion of all alike that only a firm hand is needed to restore 
the good old days, and the Anarchist-Syndicalist dream on 
the other side, with its particular illusion that the way to the 
Promised Land is through the wilderness of violence and 
coercion, there is a vast multitude of perplexed people, who 
yet know that the truth is with neither the reactionary nor 
the revolutionary. And the right of these people to read, 
hear, think and speak for themselves and together must be 
secured alike against old men in a panic who identify a 
spirit of inquiry with revolution, and against young men in 
a hurry who identify it with reaction. But as the old men 
are at the moment in the saddle, it is with them that we have 
to do. 

And the immediate trouble is that the old men seem unable 
"to distinguish between things that differ;" and that con- 
venient formula, bolshevism, suits all troublesome occasions. 
Against this stupid confusion of issues with all that it con- 
tains of peril to free discussion, those of us who are neither 
reactionaries nor revolutionaries must cry out loud and long, 
and affirm our own liberty resolutely by using it. More- 
over, we must insist upon the right of every opinion to a 
hearing — and upon our right to hear it. For this there are 
two final reasons: First, it is our duty to abstract from every 




opinion whatsoever of truth there is in it for the public good 
— and it is well to remember that no opinion gains a con- 
siderable social endorsement which does not embody some 
aspect of truth or arise from some aspect of human need for 
which the existing synthesis makes no room; and second, 
in the interest of public safety and a quiet life we cannot 
allow erroneous opinion to be driven underground by sup- 
pression (for that is what always happens), there to grow 
in the dark and to become explosive. 

All this is no more than the fringe of the discussion. 
There are other grave issues involved in it. The high and 
unprecedented concentration of authority in governments, 
itself an evil and the parent of others, such as the undue 
power vested in administrative departments; the doped press; 
the prevailing bias in education — these and a score of mat- 
ters need to be looked into. Indeed the whole problem of 

freedom in the new world calls for exploration. For, except 
that new world be conceived in liberty and its politics be 
worked out in a setting of free unfettered discussion, it may 
turn out to be a sepulcher. 

It is this that gives significance to the visit of a small group 
of British liberals who are now in this country and who met 
a large company of like-minded Americans in conference in 
New York in September. This meeting was in a very real 
sense a portent — for it was essentially a meeting of the 
young; and it is probably but the beginning of a British- 
American cooperation in the task of defining and achieving 
that liberty which in the new world will enable every man 
to grow into that full distinctive human thing it is in him to 
be and to give him "a man's full share in what is going on in 
life," a task for which the common inheritance of the two 
peoples clearly makes them out. 

Women Physicians and Woman's Health 

The Y. W. G. A. Conference 

FOR six weeks the International Conference of Women 
Physicians, brought together by invitation of the 
Social Morality Committee of the War Work Council 
of the National Board of the Young Women's Chris- 
tian Association, has been considering "ways in which the 
physical condition of women may be improved and their 
ignorance and immaturity of attitude toward sex and emo- 
tional health eliminated." Their conclusions are embodied 
in a set of findings adopted at the closing sessions, which are 
reproduced on the opposite page. 

The findings committee was divided into three sections, to 
consider respectively questions connected with physical 
health, with psychology, and with legislative measures. It 
was the intention that resolutions brought before the con- 
ference for approval should represent the committee's inter- 
pretation of the consensus of the conference as shown in its 
discussions, and subjects which had not been adequately dis- 
cussed in the meetings were therefore ruled out. The psy- 
chological section brought in no report, because when they 
came together they found that while they had "a great deal 
in common as friends," as psychologists they were "able to 
agree only on platitudes." 

The whole of the closing day — until seven o'clock in the 
evening — was devoted to considering the reports of the find- 
ings committee. The resolutions as finally adopted represent 
no mere formal assent, carelessly accorded. Each statement 
was examined conscientiously by the body of voters, and 
many of them as finally adopted were very different in form 
from the committee's original proposal. It was necessary to 
find the common ground on which Americans and Europeans 
and Orientals and South Americans could agree. It was 
necessary to keep within the limits of what a group of women 
physicians could suitably pronounce upon. It was neces- 
sary, finally, to get the thought expressed with sufficient 
clarity and precision to satisfy the representatives of the 
Latin countries and Great Britain, and in this respect the 
foreign delegates gave the easy-going Americans a valuable 
course of instruction. No little credit for the outcome be- 
longs to the unwearied skill of the interpreter, who was quick 
to seize the essential thought of every speaker and to make 
it comprehensible to the conferenc. 

The most frequent occurrence, throughout the day, was a 
request from one of the French women for "des eclairecisse- 

ments" on the exact meaning of an ambiguous phrase, or for 
an explanation of the "portee" (range and bearing) of a 
vague declaration. 

The first resolution under the paragraph numbered 18, 
read, as proposed by the committee, "That the establishment 
of the maternity and paternity of the illegitimate child be 
required." On the protest of the women from the Latin 
countries that to "require" establishment of "maternity" 
would increase the amount of infanticide, the mother was 
left out of the resolution altogether; and on consideration 
that the mother might not always wish to have the paternity 
of the child established, the original austerity of the demand 
was mitigated to its present form. A statement to the effect 
that "dentistry might, with advantage, be incorporated in 
the medical profession," was omitted altogether — partly be- 
cause the Scandinavian delegates objected, on the ground 
that in their countries only five years' training is required for 
dentists, ten for doctors. 

During the closing week of the conference, there was also 
in session a "national convention" of delegates from four- 
teen organizations of women, invited by the same Y. W. C. A. 
committee with a view to devising some machinery through 
which the program adopted by the conference might be fur- 
thered in the United States. There were delegates from the 
following organizations: the National Council of Women, 
the Association of Collegiate Alumnae, the Council of Jew- 
ish Women, the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the 
Medical Women's National Association, the Woman's De- 
partment of the National Civic Federation, the National 
League of Women Workers, the National Women's Trade 
Union League, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, 
the National Board of the Young Women's Christian Associ- 
ation, the National Conference of Deans of Women, and the 
Business and Professional Women's League. Under the 
chairmanship of Mrs. Philip N. Moore of St. Louis, a plan 
of cooperation was devised whereby these fourteen organiza- 
tions of nation-wide scope, and other national organizations 
of women which may wish to come into the movement in 
the future, are to be organized for promoting the conclusions 
reached by the conference of physicians. No new organiza- 
tion is created; simply a set of rules has been adopted, pro- 
viding for a form of association among these organizations 
which have a natural interest in the health of women, to be 








1. That in the future positive health education should form an 
important part of the work of physicians, in that it is the 
essential means for the prevention of illness and the estab- 
lishment of a new attitude toward health. 

2. Whereas exercise is necessary to good health, particularly 
under modern conditions of life, resolved: 

(a) That communities be urged to supply easily acces- 
sible facilities for such exercise, namely, public 
gymnasia, swimming pools, recreation and health 

(b) That women be stimulated through health educa- 
tion to make full use of these opportunities. 

3. That women be urged to adopt fashions of dress consistent 
with freedom of movement, physical development, and fitness 
for the wearer's particular occupation. 

(a) Young girls should be dissuaded from wearing 

Boots and shoes should be selected chiefly with a 
view to conforming to the natural form of the foot 
and the manufacture of such shoes should be defin- 
itely encouraged. 
Whereas menstruation is a physiological function: 

(a) Women should be taught not to consider it as a nec- 
essary ailment but to regard any significant devia- 
tion from comfort as an abnormal condition which 
should be corrected. 

(b) Women should be educated to understand that sys- 
tematic physical exercise and an uninterrupted 
routine of life have a beneficial effect upon this 

Whereas the physical integrity of the race is dependent upon 
a healthy maternity: 

(a) Women should be educated to recognize the im- 
portance of following during pregnancy a routine 
of life based on modern medical knowledge. 

(b) Society should be urged to assure good hygienic 
conditions to every pregnant and nursing woman. 

(c) Women should be insured for maternity. 
Whereas it is of great importance to all nations that their 
citizens should always be at a maximum of their physical 
power, we advocate that 

(a) Periodic regular physical examination of infants and 
children up to the school-leaving age be made, and 
means be taken to make it possible for the child to 
obtain whatever treatment is recommended. 

(b) Adults also be encouraged similarly to present them- 
selves for such regular periodic examination. 

(c) People be encouraged especially to present them- 
selves for such examination before marriage. 

Whereas appetizing, nutritious food, well cooked, is neces- 
sary for health, again we advocate that 

(a) People should be instructed in food values and en- 
couraged to arrange their diet wisely, and especially 
that fresh food, such as milk, leafy vegetables and 
fruits, should be recommended as a necessary part 
of the regular dietary. 

(b) The authorities should be urged to provide oppor- 
tunity to obtain the same at reasonable rates and 
under sanitary supervision. 

Methods of vocational guidance should be developed in order 
to help the individual to find the work suited to his or her 
capacity, strength or taste. 

Whereas many diseases from which workers suffer are due 
to the conditions under which they labor, physicians should 
work to have every means taken to investigate further these 

conditions and to remove those which are responsible for ill 

10. Whereas ill health is responsible for a large proportion of 
destitution, all workers should be insured against accident 
and sickness. 

11. The conference expresses its satisfaction of the fact that 
the League of Nations provided for an International Health 

12. Whereas sex education is necessary for all human beings in 
order that they may understand the complexities of their 
lives, as well as their duties to the social organism, and 
whereas an understanding of sex is one of the most effective 
ways of meeting the problems of prostitution and venereal 
disease, we are of the opinion that definite sex instruction 
should be given in all normal schools, training schools, med- 
ical colleges and universities in order that future parentj and 
teachers may be enabled to handle the subject wisely as it 
comes up in the home and in the teaching of their own 

Resolved that while waiting for this trained leadership 
we consider that it is necessary to continue sex education 
with the means now at our disposal, and in all social 

13. Inasmuch as mental health is fully as important as physical 
health, we as medical women place ourselves on record in 
support of a movement to make all schools and colleges re- 
sponsive to the emotional and instinctive, as well as the in- 
tellectual needs of children and young people, to the end 
that education may become an instrument for teaching the 
best social adjustments possible. 

14. Whereas the "double standard," with its trail of prostitution 
and clandestine relationships, has brought infinite human 

Be it Resolved, that we affirm our conviction that morality 
makes equal demands on both sexes. [Unanimous] 

15. Recognizing that prostitution, fostering the white slave trade 
and spreading venereal disease, is not a social necessity, we re- 
solve that the most important measure toward its abolition is 
sex education to a single standard of self-control. 

16. In the conviction that regulation is unjust and is in no sense 
preventive of disease, we recommend that it be abolished 
wherever it exists. 

17. Further, we recommend: 

(a) Severe punishment for the exploitation of persons 
for vice in any of its forms, acting equally on both 

(b) Early and sufficient care of subnormal individuals. 

(c) Establishment of accessible and free clinics for those 
suffering from venereal disease. 

(d) Education of the public to the need of early and 
prolonged treatment for venereal disease. 

(e) In all social legislation women should participate, 
not only in law making but also on all preventive, 
curative and law enforcing bodies. 

18. Believing that no child should be stigmatized because of the 
circumstances of its birth, be it resolved 

(a) That an investigation of the paternity of the illegiti- 
mate child be required; 

(b) That support be shared by the parents according to 
the economic status of each; • 

(c) That material rights be the same for the illegitimate 
as for the legitimate child. 

19. Whereas monogamous marriage seems the most desirable 
ideal to uphold, resolved, that this conference go on record 
as approving those factors in education and economic con- 
ditions which make early monogamous marriage possible. 

known as the Women's Foundation for Social Health. There 
is to be a House of Delegates, consisting of five representa- 
tives from each national organization participating in the 
movement and five "women at large." Chosen by the House 
of Delegates will be a Board of Trustees, charged with the 
executive responsibility^ and working through five "technical 
committees," as follows: Health and Sex Education, Health 
Opportunities, Industrial Conditions, Living Conditions, 

When this plan was presented by Mrs. Moore to the con- 
ference on its closing afternoon a vote of most hearty en- 
dorsement was given. While it has no binding force on the 
foreign delegates, the hope was expressed that they might 

use their influence to secure in their own countries the for- 
mation of similar cooperative associations. 

Notwithstanding the sharp differences of opinion which 
arose over the adoption of the findings, it was obvious that 
the members of the conference had ended their six weeks 
together with mutual confidence and respect, with a better un- 
derstanding of one another and of one another's background, 
with in short the foundations of enduring friendship and co- 
operation well established. On the day following the close 
of the conference an international organization of women 
physicians was created by representatives of fifteen coun- 
tries, through which, as well as by more informal means, 
the associations formed here may be kept up. 

Retaliation or Treatment? 

A Criticism of American Prisons Addressed 
to Those Who Administer Them 

By Winthrop D. Lane 

THE efforts of the American people to reform crim- 
inals by making life practically unbearable for 
them were roundly condemned before the members 
of the American Prison Association three weeks ago. 
A touch of the dramatic was afforded by the fact that the 
audience contained many wardens, superintendents of refor- 
matories and others who were employing, in their official 
capacities at home, some of the very methods of repression, 
humiliation and harsh discipline that came in for sharp 
criticism. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the associ- 
ation had not in a generation listened to such a flaming 
arraignment of our current penal methods. "I have no hesi- 
tation in declaring" — one indictment ran — "that as a rule 
our prisons do little or nothing to bring about the moral 
reformation of those committed to them. I will go further 
and assert that the vast majority of the men, women and chil- 
dren who come out from our prisons, come out worse than 
when they went in." 

The time was ripe for plain speaking. Thousands of par- 
ents had seen their sons leave proudly for France during the 
war, only to discover a few months later that these sons were 
serving long sentences in military prisons; a new interest in 
penal procedure was thereby evoked. By making felons of 
many of our political and economic nonconformists, we have 
turned the eyes of other thousands upon our prison walls. 
The American prison is in the public mind more promin- 
ently than ever before. Will it satisfy the humanitarian sen- 
timent of the American people? 

The arraignment before the prison association was started 
by George W. Kirchwey. Mr. Kirchwey served as warden of 
Sing Sing during six months of Thomas Mott Osborne's 
interrupted administration. Since then he has acted as ad- 
visor to several state prison commissions and has visited 
prisons widely in other states. He spoke, therefore, from 
first hand acquaintance with his subject. Reading from what 
he called the "charter" of the American Prison Association, 
the declaration of principles adopted by its founders at their 
first meeting in 1870, Mr. Kirchwey called attention to some 
of the passages in that statement: 

The treatment of criminals by society is for the protection of society. 
But since such treatment is directed to the criminal rather than to 
the crime, its great object should be his moral regeneration. Hence 
the supreme aim of prison discipline is the reformation of criminals, 
not the infliction of vindicative suffering. * * * 

The prisoner's destiny should be placed, measurably, in his own 
hands; he must be put into circumstances where he will be able, 
through his own exertions, to continually better his own condition. 
A regulated self-interest must be brought into play and made con- 
stantly operative. 

The prisoner's self-respect should be cultivated to the utmost, and 
every effort made to give back to him his manhood. There is no 
greater mistake in the whole compass of penal discipline, than its 
studied imposition of degradation as a part of punishment. Such im- 
position destroys every better impulse and aspiration. It crushes the 
weak, irritates the strong and indisposes all to submission and 
reform. * * » 

In prison administration, moral forces should be relied upon, with 
as little admixture of physical force as possible, and organized per- 


suasion be made to take the place of coercive restraint, the object 
being to make upright and industrious freemen rather than orderly 
and obedient prisoners. 

How far, asked Mr. Kirchwey, has the association lived up 
to these principles. The answer, he said, was to be found 
"in the present state of our jail and prison systems in every 
part of the country." He described some of the conditions 
that, he said, were familiar to all present. He called atten- 
tion to the idleness in which half the inmates of Pennsyl- 
vania state prisons are constantly kept, and asked what effect 
this was likely to have upon their fitness to lead industrious 
lives after their release. He pictured the man whom he 
found standing at the door of a cell in a Pennsylvania prison 
and who, when the warden answered his plea for something 
to do with a half-hearted assurance that the "matter would 
be taken up," replied, "You said the same thing on this very 
spot two years ago, sir, and nothing has come of it." He 
took his audience to the state prison at Joliet, 111., where two 
years ago three hundred men were reported to be in hand- 
cuffs, just purchased by the new warden, as a disciplinary 
measure. He reminded his hearers of the exposure made by 
a New York newspaper at about the same time of the New 
Jersey state prison at Trenton, where men were commonly 
chained to the wall in underground dungeons, and where one 
man who wore a ball and chain for over four years finally 
went insane. He declared that "at least one of the prisons 
of this state (New York) is known the country over as a 
'hell hole' of brutality and criminal neglect." But he did 
not confine himself to these exceptional instances of brutal 
treatment. He pictured the prevailing practice of shutting 
men up singly in steel cells, like animals, and asked what 
this might be supposed to do to their morale. He described 
the system of innumerable rules by which men are subjected 
to "degrading and senseless restrictions" upon their move- 
ments, and outlined the round of harsh punishments that 
are inflicted for violations of discipline. He referred to the 
repressive effect of being compelled to live like an auto- 
maton, with no opportunity to exercise discretion, choice, 
initiative or any of the faculties that are n*»*ded in the world 
at large. .He mentioned solitary confinement, and askeu 
what magic of reformation lay in punishing men by shutting 
them up for days and even weeks at a time in semi-dark, 
isolated cells, with only boards and blankets to sleep on, 
with nothing to do but think and with only bread and water 
for food. He spoke of the practice in some prison (notabty 
the United States civil penitentiaries) of adding to the sever- 
ity of this punishment by shackling the wrists of men to the 
doors of their cells so that they are compelled to stand for 
eight hours a day and can move only enough to shift the 
weight from one foot to another. He told of a lad whom he 
found in a steel cage in a solitary cell in a well-known refor- 
matory for youths — the cage so small that to sit down in it 
would have been impossible — and whose offense was that 
he had whispered to a fellow-inmate on a particularly warm 
day, "It's damn hot." In the adjoining cell a Negro was 



confined for "impertinence" to a shop forman, and his im- 
pertinence consisted in having "rolled his eyes" at the fore- 
man when that official refused to permit him to visit the 
toilet. This kind of punishment, said Mr. Kirchwey, is in- 
flicted in the name of what many prison officials call "dis- 
cipline," and he asked what effect such "discipline" has 
upon the attitude, self-respect and manhood of those who are 
subjected to it. 

Picking up copies of the Survey, Mr. Kirchwey spoke of 
conditions in the United States Disciplinary Barracks [mili- 
tary prison] at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, and in Kansas 
county jails, as described recently in this magazine. He read 
specifically the reply of the deputy jailer of the Shawnee 
county jail, Mr. McCall, who, when asked what he did with 
the prisoners who refused to obey orders, said, "We go in 
and knock the guts out of those fellows." 

"Now," said Mr. Kirchwey, leaning forward toward his 
audience, "I venture to assert that the attitude of these two 
men, Deputy McCall and the superintendent of the reforma- 
tory referred to, fairly represent the attitude of the average 
prison administrator in the United States today. If he cares 
anything at all for the reformation of the prisoner, he be- 
lieves that such reformation is to be accomplished through 
the method of discipline — and discipline to him means a 
life of hardship, aggravated by arbitrary and senseless re- 
strictions, enforced by harsh and degrading punishments." 

Half of the audience that heard these words was composed 
of prison administrators. To some of them Mr. Kirchwey 
was indicting common and necessary practices in penal pro- 
cedure. To some, however, he was sounding a true note in 
the modern attitude toward crime and the offender; such 
were the more progressive wardens and superintendents who 
have tried to make their own institutions as reformative as 

When he had finished his recital, Mr. Kirchwey turned 
again to the declaration of principles enunciated fifty years 
ago by the forerunners of those whom he was addressing. 
He declared: 

Here we have sharply contrasted the two methods, as far asunder 
as the poles, whereby it may be sought to bring about the moral re- 
generation of the wrong-doer — the method of stern repression and 
humiliation, which most of us practice, and the method of the free 
expansion and development of the better nature of the offender, in 
which we have professed to believe. 

I cannot believe that to truss a man up by the wrists and to compel 
him to stand for eight hours a day in a solitary cell makes him a 
better man. I cannot believe that to confine a man in a cell, under 
conditions of filth and degradation tends to the cultivation of his 
self-respect. I cannoi believe thul 10 make him the victim of senseless 
and arbitrary restrictions on his natural freedom and to punish him 
as no humane man punishes a dog, tends to create respect for law 
and order. 

I charge that the American Prison Association has defaulted. For 
fifty years we have wandered in the wilderness, turning our backs on 
the pillar of fire which was set to light our way. And we have failed, 
utterly and dismally failed, to reach the promised land. It is time 
for us to do one of two things: either to reaffirm our belief in the 
principles which the fathers of this association proclaimed and then 
go out from this meeting resolved to put those principles into effect, 
or frankly and freely to draft a new charter, to declare that the time 
has come when we do not adhere to the principles of reformation and 
growth, and to declare our faith in the practices of harshness, re- 
pression and degradation that I have attempted to describe. 

The effect of this was dramatic. Hardly had Mr. Kirch- 
wey taken his seat when a warden was on his feet, asking 
angrily, "Doesn't the doctor know that there are institutions 
in this country that do live up to the declaration of principles 
that he has read?" 

"I thank God that there are, and I thank God that I know 

them," was Mr. Kirchwey's reply. "But they are as manna 
in the wilderness, as oases in the desert." 

The Reaction 

Following the completion of other papers the meeting, 
which had been called adjourned, reconvened to discuss Mr. 
Kirchwey and his remarks. Several speakers bitterly assailed 
him. Others praised the reforms that have been accom- 
plished in various institutions. Several spoke in defense of 
Mr. Kirchwey. One state commissioner of charities and cor- 
rections warned some of the wardens present that unless they 
listened to the new notes being sounded in penal pro- 
cedure they would "not come back to many more meetings of 
the prison association." Out of all the discussion, two facts 
emerged concerning the impression that he had made upon 
the minds of the wardens: (1) That his indictment was too 
inclusive and did not do justice to the good institutions; 
and (2) that he did not make allowance for the reforms that 
have been advocated by the American Prison Association 
since its founding. His answer to this was made at a later 
meeting before the smaller audience of the Wardens' Associ- 
ation. He said that he had not undertaken to review the his- 
tory of the prison association in detail and admitted that it 
had been instrumental in effecting a number of needed 
changes in prison methods. He said that he believed that 
many of those who were disposed to criticize him for his 
remarks would agree with him if they could rid themselves 
of the idea that he had meant to make a personal attack upon 
them. In conclusion he reiterated his charges against our 
current practices and pointed out that no matter how deeply 
we might resent having the fact called to our attention, it 
still remained true that American prisons do not as a rule 
reform the offenders committed to their care. 

It was in a wholly different tone and with a wholly dif- 
ferent approach that Dr. William Healy, at another meeting, 
brought to bear his searching questions in regard to our 
failure to study the results of our methods. Why, asked Dr. 
Healy, is there "so little real study and accurate statement 
of results" in penology? The farmer, the manufacturer, the 
business man, the artist, he pointed out, are all anxious for 
results in their own fields and are constantly checking up 
their own successes and failures. The penologist must do 
the same thing if he is to know where he stands. Dr. Healy, 
who is at present director of the Judge Baker Foundation in 
Boston, has done more than any other one man to induce 
criminologists to "go to the criminal for the facts" in regard 
to the causes of misconduct and the kinds of treatment 
needed. It was eminently appropriate, therefore, that he 
should be the one to advocate a similar method for studying 
the results of such treatment. 

The job of the penologist, he said, is to influence conduct 
— to modify human behavior. The only way, therefore, ihat 
he can estimate success, is precisely to measure his work in 
terms of that influence. He must go into the field and see 
what becomes of the individuals who have been in his cus- 
tody. "I cannot see," said Dr. Healy, "that the reckoning of 
essential success or failure can be made except in the terms 
that the physician uses for his results — in terms of how 
patients react while under cure and how they progress 

Why is there so little reporting of failures, he asked. Is 
it because people in administrative positions are loth to cast 
any reflection upon the political party under which they 
serve? Or is it professional or institutional rivalry, or fear 
of losing positions through possible implication of official 



incompetence? Is it indifference, he asked, or the fixed be- 
lief that nothing better can be done? Or is it sheer lack of 
vision — the failure to see that work with delinquents and 
criminals can be built up to the dignity of a real science? 
"I think it most remarkable," he added, "that those who 
have had the daily care of offenders over months and years 
do not ponder with all their might and main over what their 
regime has done — did it make any difference to behavior 
tendencies, did it injure, deteriorate, inspire, educate, 
strengthen?" It seems as if ordinary curiosity, he declared, 
would lead to a careful study of outcomes. 


Whatever the reason, the fact of failure is evident enough, 
he said. The one word recidivism suggests the truth. "An 
enormous number of individuals recommit offenses after 
being taken in hand by society," he declared. His state- 
ments in this regard were given striking corroboration by 
another speaker, who pointed out that the records of one 
prison showed that over three hundred persons had each 
served at least fifty terms within its walls. In another state, 
in which 21,793 persons were imprisoned during one year, 
13,576 admitted having served a total of 85,229 prior terms, 
or an average of more than seven terms each for this enor- 
mous number of individuals. "As I think sometimes of 
prisoners being handed back to society unchanged or deteri- 
orated after sentences served, I picture the hospital which 
would turn out its patients uncured, with the original ailment 
mot understand and not investigated, or even with diseases ac- 
quired within its walls. How would one rate the efficiency 
of such an institution?" asked Dr. Healy. 

In suggesting some of the things that a study of results 
ought to cover, Dr. Healy mentioned, first, statements and 
figures that "relate outcomes to special methods used." 
Even within prison walls there are sometimes considerable 
variations in the treatment given to prisoners and what we 
want to know is the effect of these methods in terms of sub- 
sequent conduct. This will require knowledge of (a) the 
physical and mental capacities of offenders; (b) of person- 
ality characteristics, as being something over and beyond 
capacities; (c) of the trend of the offender's thoughts and 
opinions; and (d) of habits, such as those involving drugs, 
alcohol, the sex instinct, or even delinquency itself as a 
formed habit. 

Then, to estimate the real values of treatment and pre- 
vention, we must include in our reckoning (e) the influential 
elements of environment offered the offender after the law 
has taken him in hand. What were his reactions in the arti- 
ficial environment of the institutions — did he conform suc- 
cessfully there? And placed back in society, was he a fail- 
ure under the conditions that originally started his delinquent 
trends; or was he a failure under new and better conditions; 
or did he ever have after his incarceration or treatment what 
would be obviously at all suitable for him in the way of 
moral and mental surroundings? 

Finally (f ) were any new elements of importance injected 
into the situation: the disheartenings of a bad reputation, 
police persecution, meeting acquaintances known first in the 
institution, utilizing practices first learned during segrega- 
tion, or any other fact of this sort? In short, what we par- 
ticularly wish to learn, said Dr. Healy, is how this or that 
type of individual, influenced by this or that type of causa- 
tion, after receiving this specific treatment, did conduct 
himself in the special environment to which he went out. 

Dr. Bernard Glueck, also a psychiatrist, carried the criti- 

cism of both Mr. Kirchwey and Dr. Healy a step forward. 
He asked whether society actually wanted anything better 
at present than the conditions described by Mr. Kirchwey. 
It is not wardens and prison administrators, he said, at whose 
door the ultimate responsibility for these conditions is to 
be laid, but the entire population, who in the last analysis 
determine what kind of prisons there shall be. Society still 
believes, he said, in the principle of retaliation. Moreover, 
it selects its administrators by political methods in the main; 
it does not choose them on the basis of special fitness or 
training. "How can we live up to the noble resolutions of 
our founders," he asked, "when these resolutions are far in 
advance of the desires of those who support our prisons and 

Dr. Glueck then asked what is the guiding principle of 
prison procedure. It is, he said, administration — the theory 
underlying the whole practice of our criminal law. From 
the moment an offender is arrested until he has served his 
prison sentence and is restored to society, he is put through 
a process of "administration." The very courtroom itself is 
based upon that conception. Its object is not to understand 
the individual brought into it or to devise treatment that 
will benefit him, but to establish the single fact of his guilt 
or innocence. Having done that, it sends him to an institu- 
tion where he is again administered". The huge cell block, 
with hundreds and even thousands of men living congre- 
gately; the guards, who are in effect watchmen and police- 
men; the rules prescribing minute details of conduct; the 
organization of industries, commonly with an eye to output 
rather than the training of inmates; the crowding of men 
into a single gigantic mess hall; the use of set punishments for 
offenses — all of these are designed with a view to making 
administration easy and safe. Often this embodies the very 
antithesis of treatment. 

Society's Responsibility 

Prisons ought to be designed, said Dr. Glueck, to afford 
flexible and appropriate ways of handling the various kinds 
of persons who enter them. They ought to look upon them- 
selves as places for effecting "cures," namely, alterations in 
conduct. The lesson of all this is that prisons will continue 
to be centers of administration until society wants them to be 
centers of treatment. Dr. Glueck did not think that no im- 
provements could be brought about by present superintend- 
ents and wardens, but he believed that until we use other 
methods of securing our officials and give them different facil- 
ities for handling offenders, we must expect what we now have 
— cages for keeping men locked up, discipline that aims at 
repression and punishment — in a word, recidivism and little, 
if any, diminution of crime. 

That all of this criticism of our penal methods was needed 
was indicated by some of the responses that it evoked. The 
very conception that the offender's conduct can ever be im- 
proved still finds skeptics among those who actually have 
charge of him. As one former official of a state department 
of prisons said, "What some of these speakers need to learn is 
that the fellow who gets into prison is crooked and nothing 
will ever make him straight." Another declared that it was 
the conscious purpose of the institutions in his state never to 
let the inmates forget "that they are prisoners." The day of 
real criminal therapy cannot be close at hand so long as 
these opinions prevail. And the way to bring it about, as 
Dr. Glueck pointed out, is to enlighten the public by as con- 
tinuous a process of education as all the forces in the field 
can achieve. 

The Social Unit In Cincinnati 

An Experiment in Organization 
By Edward T. Devine 

I: Local Background and 

IN 1910 Cincinnati was about one hundred miles east of 
the center of population of the United States and about 
seventy miles southeast of its median point. It was 
thirteenth in rank among American cities, having fallen 
from tenth place in 1900, ninth in 1890, and seventh in 1880. 
For forty years its rate of increase of population has been 
less than that of any other city of equal or larger size. More 
nearly than any other large and important American city, 
Cincinnati may be said to have a stationary population. 

Municipal Finances 

The economic and financial condition of the city has been 
such as to give grave concern to its citizens. For some years 
the municipality has had to resort to borrowed money to 
meet current expenses. Its debt is rapidly rising. State 
legislation has fixed a rigid maximum tax rate, which has 
already been reached. Property valuation for the purpose 
of taxation is not less than 100 per cent of actual values and 
was, in fact, reduced in 1918 as being in excess of market 
prices. The destruction by national prohibition of the profit- 
able liquor industry, the loss of capital invested in a very 
large carriage industry because of changes in methods of 
transportation, and the shrinkage in the packing industry, the 
clothing industry, and other lines of manufacture, are enu- 
merated as outstanding conditions in the report by Dr. Fred- 
erick A. Cleveland to the Mayor's Advisory Commission on 


npHE Committee appointed by the National Social Unit 
JL Organization to appraise the social work aspects of its 
activities during the past three years in the Brighton-Mohawk 
District in Cincinnati arranged with Dr. Edward T. Devine to 
study at close range and report on the work for the Committee. 
As many members of the Committee as could get together 
held a meeting in New York city and discussed Dr. Devine's 
report. The report has also been placed in the hands of all 
the members of the committee and members of the committee 
have been given full opportunity to comment in writing on the 
subject matter of the report. The committee is unanimous 
in its opinion that Dr. Devine has made a careful examination 
of the work and that his report embodies a fair appraisal at 
once of the theories upon which the work was based, the 
divergent opinions of those who have known the work inti- 
mately, and the results which have thus far been attained by 
this unique experiment and demonstration. 

It is unanimous also in its concluding with Dr. Devine that 
these results have been sufficiently substantial and are suffi- 
ciently significant to make it very desirable that it should be 
continued for another period of at least three years, at which 
time a fuller and more complete statement as to results will 
be possible. 

(Signed) Bailey B. Burritt, New York, Chairman. 

Frederic Almy, Buffalo. 

Karl de Schweinitz, Philadelphia. 

Harry L. Hopkins, New Orleans. 

Joel D. Hunter, Chicago. 

Sherman C. Kincsley, Cleveland. 

Porter R. Lee, New York. 

J. Prentice Murphy, Boston. 

Morris D. Waldman, New York. 

Frank E. Wing, Rochester. 

Owen R. Lovejoy, New York. 
October 24, 1919. Homer Folks, New York. 

the financial condition of the city of Cincinnati. Dr. Cleve- 
land is able to reach the conclusion that Cincinnati is neither 
tax-ridden nor debt-ridden, and that the city is warranted 
in borrowing money even to meet current expenses until the 
state tax law can be changed. None the less the present con- 
dition is one of disrepair and inadequate facilities. City 
property — streets, sewers, buildings, furniture, etc. — is nearly 
all in bad repair. Paving has been neglected, the street 
cleaning service of the city is impaired, and sewers have been 
allowed to accumulate debris. 

Lack of Community Consciousness 

Dr. Cleveland, in attempting to find an answer to the ques- 
tion as to why the population of the city has not kept pace 
with other industrial and commercial centers of the Middle 
West and why the city has lost, or is threatened with losing, 
its pre-eminence in certain industries, refers to an incident 
in connection with the discussion of propsals for improving 
the terminal railway facilities. He discovered that three 
different plans were proposed by various groups of citizens 
and that "there seemed to be no habit or assumption in the 
community which required that the several proponents sit 
down together and try to come to a conclusion as to what 
was for the best interests of the city as a whole*****. Each 
proponent or group went before a committee of the City 
Council and tried to 'put over' his or their own particular 
plan. Instead of developing team work, an open fight 

From this incident and from the fact that it was repre- 
sented to him on all sides that this was the usual way of 
"putting over" things, Dr. Cleveland concludes that the 
citizens of Cincinnati "have not developed a group conscious- 
ness, a sense of community interest which is superior to per- 
sonal advantage, which finds expression in organized means 
for finding out what is for the best interest of the city as a 
whole before citizens are asked to back anything or public 
authorities or investors are appealed to for the powers and 
the funds to make these conclusions real." 

Effect on Present Experiment 

It is obvious that an experiment in social organization 
made on the background of the economic and social condi- 
tions above outlined will be likely to meet with a different 
fate from that which might be expected from exactly the same 
experiment in a city of rapidly increasing population, ex- 
panding industry, and abundant resources directly available 
for municipal purposes. If community consciousness is de- 
ficient, there will be likely to be sharper clashes of public 
opinion and exceptional difficulty in reaching any consensus 
as to the success or failure of the experiment. If, in addition 
to these somewhat unfavorable conditions, we recall that the 
past two years have been a period in which, because of the 
war and its consequences, passions have been easily inflamed, 
accusations of disloyalty and radicalism have been easily 
made and eagerly believed, and when we realize that Cin- 
cinnati, partly because a considerable part of its population 
is of German ancestry, has had a worse case of war hysteria 
than the average city, so that public officials, social agencies, 
and private citizens have been even more liable to unfounded 
attack than in most other cities, we shall be in better position 




to estimate certain of the minor difficulties in the way of 
forming a sound conclusion in regard to the Social Unit in 

The Brighter Side 
The reader will please recall that this report is not an 
evaluation of Cincinnati. Volumes might be written in just 
praise of the better side of the civic life of the community. 
In education, both higher and elementary, Cincinnati has an 
enviable record. Its University has of recent years improved 
its equipment and extended its service. In secondary educa- 
tion the well known experiment of dovetailing education and 
industry is one of the few national developments in this field 
which have attracted wide attention. The Cincinnati City 
Hospital, which has recently buiit an entirely new piant rep- 
resenting an investment of $4,000,000 and an annual outlay 
for operating expenses of over $400,000, is one of the best 
plants in the country for the public care of the sick. The 
city is justly proud of its hospital. 

Proposal for Health Center 

In 1916 public interest had been aroused, in Cincinnati, 
in the problem of a better coordination of public health 
activities and in the development of preventive medicine. 
Dr. J. H. Landis, a physician of high standing and of vigor- 
ous personality, not unlike that of his distinguished broiner, 
Judge Landis of Chicago, was at the head of the Health De- 
partment. Mr. William J. Norton, who is perhaps the most 
energetic exponent of the federation idea in social work, was 
secreiary of the Council of Social Agencies. Mr. Courienay 
Dinwiddie, who had been secretary of the Board of Trustees 
of Bellevue Hospital in New York city, was executive secre- 
tary of the Tuberculosis League. Mr. J. O. White, who had 
been long and favorably known to social workers as in charge 
of the Union Bethel and other social activities largely financed 
by Mr. Charles P. Taft, was at the head of the Department 
of Public Welfare. On Mr. Dinwiddie's initiative the Muni- 
cipal Tuberculosis Committee had been formed for the pur- 
pose of bringing about a better alignment of the medical and 
social forces for the stamping out of tuberculosis. The mem- 
bers of this committee and other citizens were actively con- 
sidering the possibility of establishing a health center in 
Cincinnati, and with this in view had been obtaining informa- 
tion about health centers in New York and elsewhere. 

Origin of the Social Unit Idea 

For a period of six months in 1911-12 a Child Welfare 
Commission of five members carried on a health center ex- 
periment in Milwaukee. This experiment was interrupted by 
a change in the city administration. The secretary of this 
commission was Mr. Wilbur C. Phillips, who had previously 
had experience, in New York city, as the organizer of infants' 
milk depots, first established on private funds as laboratories 
for social experimentation and demonstration. In 1913-14 
Mr. and Mrs. Phillips prepared the manuscript of a book 
developing the ideas which, to some extent, had been em- 
bodied in the brief experiment in Milwaukee. This manu- 
script, although still unpublished, was submitted for criticism 
to social and medical workers, and plans were made, in the 
summer of 1914, for securing funds to make a test of the 
plan in some typical American city. When the war broke 
out in Europe this campaign was postponed, but in the winter 
of 1915 a small group of people in Washington again became 
interested and a committee was organized, of which Mrs. J. 
Borden Harriman, formerly chairman of the New York Com- 
mittee for the Reduction of Infant Mortality, was a member. 
By February, 1916, a temporary committee on organization 

was formed, with Mrs. Harriman as chairman. In April, 
1916, the National Social Unit Organization was created at 
the residence of Mrs. Willard Straight, and it was announced 
that pledges of support tov/ard the cost of a three-year dem- 
onstration had been secured, amounting to $63,000. The 
National Committee elected by the meeting was divided into 
two pans: a General Council and an Occupational Council. 

What Is the Social Unit? 

The Social Unit Organization was subsequently described 
by a cocidi worker of Cincinnati as a ''nation-wide organiza- 
tion of people who have come together for the purpose of 
finding some way to increase health, happiness, and the 
other good things of the earth, and of helping to do away 
witii poverty, m sery, disease, and preventable death." 

In the tentative draft of the report of the National Social 
Unit Organization prepared for national evaluators as a 
preface to their work, the purpose of the organization is 
stat d to be "to promote a type of democratic community 
organization through which the citizenship as a whole can 
participate directly in the control of community affairs, 
while at the same time making constant use of the highest 
technical skill available." 

The reconciliation of these two principles — participation 
by the ultimate beneficiaries of social work, the whole body 
of residents in a given community; and participation by 
fechnicai specialists in the various fields of community ser- 
vice on a definite plan which insures that neither shall dis- 
appear or be obscured — are what I understand to be unique 
in the Social Unit Organization. 

The Local Social Unit 

The four features of the Social Unit Organization as it 
was finally developed in the Mohawk-Brighton District are 
enumerated as follows: 

1. The Citizens Council of thirty-one members, chosen by local 

Block Councils, which are in turn elected by residents of 
the blocks, every one of either sex over eighteen years of 
age residing in the block having the right to vote for the 
Block Councils. It is estimated that each of the thirty-one 
blocks includes a population of approximately one hundred 
families or five hundred people. 

2. The Occupational Council, composed at present of the elected 

representatives of seven skilled groups serving, although not 
necessarily resident, in the district. The Occupational 
Council is elected by group councils organized in the follow- 
ing skilled groups: physicians, nurses, recreational workers, 
teachers, social workers, ministers, and trade unionists. 

3. The General Council, which has full control over all neighbor- 

hood programs, made up of the members of the Citizens 
Council and the Occupational Council sitting together. 

4. The Council of Executives, consisting of the three executives 

of the three councils above named. 

The Choice of Cincinnati 

Cincinnati was chosen from among several competing 
cities, after careful consideration, for ten reasons set forth 
in the report of the Executive Committee of the National 
Organization under date of November 9, 1916. It is all the 
more relevant, in the present inquiry, to quote these reasons 
in full, for the reason that some of them seem to have proved 
less valid than was anticipated, partly because of changes 
in the official personnel in Cincinnati, and partly because of 
what seems to have been a hasty estimate of certain impor- 
tant features of the situation. 

1. From the standpoint of social work, better cooperation is 
promised in Cincinnati than in any other city which the 
committee had under consideration. Eighty-five social 
agencies in that city are united in a federation known as 
the Council of Social Agencies. Organized with the exper- 
ience of the Cleveland Federation behind it, this Council 
is perhaps the most democratic, effective and hopeful fed- 
eration of its kind in the country. The Director of this 



Council has taken an active part in the effort to secure the 
unit program for Cincinnati. He is an unusually progressive 
man, whose chief interest in the program lies in its demo- 
cratic character. The leading social agencies in Cincinnati 
have pledged support to the unit experiment; have agreed 
to relinquish work within the unit area when the occasion 
arises, and have further agreed to back the gradual exten- 
sion of the work (if successful) throughout the city, even 
if this should mean in the end their own elimination as 
social agencies. It may be said of social workers as a 
group in Cincinnati that they seem less bound by tradition, 
more open to new ideas, and especially more ready to 
attack the problem of reconstructing present methods of 
social work on a democratic, as opposed to a charitable, 
basis, than the social workers of any other city which has 
come under the committee's notice. 

2. The head of the City Charities in Cincinnati promises his 

hearty cooperation. He is a settlement worker, entirely 
in sympathy with the purpose and method of our program, 
and very close to those among the social workers who have 
been most active in advancing the claims of Cincinnati to 
the unit experiment. 

3. fn its four-million-dollar municipal hospital, closely affiliated 

with the municipal university, Cincinnati is committed to 
the public control of medical work, and the way has been 
paved for the reception of democratic ideas in medical 
organization. The unit plan was presented by the execu- 
tives to a group of forty or fifty leading physicians, repre- 
senting all elements in the medical profession. Unquali- 
fied support was promised by these men. 
4. The cooperation of the Health Department is an important 
factor in the success of the unit program. The possibility 
of securing it has been a doubt in the minds of many who 
have heard the plan. It requires a very broad-minded pub- 
lic official to accept the idea of a health center controlled 
by the medical profession and to join in so radical an 
experiment as this, with a mind open to whatever conclu- 
sions as to future health administration may be deduced 
therefrom. In Cincinnati, the Health Officer, Dr. J. H. 
Landis, is not a political appointee, but the executive officer 
of a Board of Health, composed in part of some of the 
most eminent physicians in the community. He is a health 
officer of national reputation, a popular figure in the city 
administration and a man who, by dint not only of his work 
but his personality, has a most unusual following among 
physicians and among the public at large. Dr. Landis is 
chairman of the committee which is trying to secure the 
unit program for Cincinnati. 

5. Public opinion in Cincinnati is prepared for the principles of 

cooperation and democracy which lie behind the unit 

(a) Cooperation has been very highly developed among 
business men, social workers, doctors, teachers and other 
individuals and groups. This is illustrated in the Council 
of Social Agencies, the Chamber of Commerce, which is 
a federation of some twenty-five business organizations, and 
the character of the public meetings which were arranged 
to hear and discuss the unit program, as presented by our 

(b) Cincinnati is accustomed to looking at its problems 
from the standpoint of the best interests of the whole com- 
munity, rather than of any clique or group. In addition 
to its city hospital and university, it owns, for example, 
a city railroad which pays the city a profit of a half million 

. a year. 

(c) Cincinnati is interested in the democratic and funda- 
mental aspects of the unit program. In the case of no 
group of people were the executives compelled to avoid dis- 
cussion of its underlying principles of organization for fear 
doubt might be aroused as to the practicability of the im- 
mediate program. On the contrary, these democratic 
aspects of the plan constituted apparently its chief merit 
in the eyes of the majority of those to whom it was pre- 

6. Cincinnati, as somebody has described it, is "a northern city 

with a southern exposure." It is practically in the center 
of the most thickly populated section of the United States. 
For this reason, a successful demonstration of the unit 
program there will probably have a wider effect upon the 
country as a whole than would be the case if it were a 
city on the eastern border. 
7. Cincinnati is a typical American city. It has the smallest per- 
centage (15 per cent) of foreign-born inhabitants of any 
city of its size in this country. It is an industrial community, 
but no single industry predominates to such an extent that 
a disturbance in that industry would seriously affect the 
community life. The Mayor of Cincinnati has heard the 
program, talked with the executives and promised his hearty 

8. Cincinnati is a city of neighborhoods. Spread out over seven 

hills, its geography tends towards the development of dis- 
trict organization. Mothers' clubs, Parent-Teachers' clubs 
and so on connected with the public schools, and civic 
associations organized on a neighborhood basis, are unusu- 
ally numerous and active. 

9. Apart from the attitude of the people in the mass, the under- 

standing, liking and cooperation of those with whom it 
will be necessary for the executives to deal personally in 
carrying out the unit program is of great importance. In 
this respect Cincinnati offers excellent material. It will be 
possible to create in that city a commission of the kind 
which the National Social Unit Organization has in mind, 
composed of men and women who, on the one hand, com- 
mand the respect of the community as a whole, and on the 
other, are enthusiastic over the fundamental, democratic 
aspects of the plan. 
10. Cincinnati has pledged $15,000.00 annually for the three years 
of the demonstration period — §10,000.00 in cash and 
$5,000.00 in the salaries of workers, to be chosen by and 
to be under the control of our organization. Eventually, 
of course, it is the desire of the National Social Unit Or- 
ganization that the community in which the experiment is 
carried out shall defray the entire cost of the local work. 
Judging from what it has already done in the health and 
educational fields, Cincinnati offers a better hope of such 
a consummation than any other community which has 
applied for the unit program. 

The City Organization 

Instead of proceeding at once to the selected district for 
the local experiment and beginning work there, it seemed 
advisable to the executives of the National Unit, for reasons 
which are set forth in Bulletin No. 3 of the National Organ- 
ization, to create a city-wide organization, which like that 
of the local unit, has its Citizens Council, General Council, 
and Council of Executives. The Mayor of Cincinnati, Hon. 
George Puchta, became chairman of the General Council. 
Local neighborhoods entered into competition for the local 
program. On June 7, 1917, the Mohawk-Brighton District 
was selected, partly because conditions in this district were 
felt to be fairly typical of the city as a whole and to be favor- 
able for the experiment, and partly because a vigorous organ- 
izing committee in that district had aroused great interest in 
the plan, the citizens had been thoroughly canvassed, many 
meetings, had been held, petitions signed by 1,862 persons had 
been forwarded to the city organization, favorable ballots 
to the number of 1,400 had been returned from that district, 
in a city-wide referendum through the schools, personal let- 
ters had been received from 113 influential citizens, and com- 
munications pledging cooperation and assistance had been 
forwarded by twenty-six organizations of a civic, social, and 
religious character having their headquarters in that neigh- 

The District 

The Mohawk-Brighton District, lying a little west of the 
center of the city, is centrally located, with an industrial 
population now estimated at somewhat less than 15,000. It 
is a typical industrial population, mostly English-speaking, 
largely of German stock, with very few Negroes and com- 
paratively few recent immigrants. Small business, the ordi- 
nary resident professions, and some modest factories are to 
be found in the district; schools, churches, and a branch 
library fairly supply recognized educational and spiritual 

The Deliberation in Starting 

Six months had been spent in the general city campaign 
before the selection of the Mohawk-Brighton District. 
Another six months was spent in organizing the district. 
When the first definite service was started in December, 1917, 
only twelve of the blocks had completed their elections. The 
Social Unit experiment, conceived as an organized, going 



concern, has therefore been in operation less than two years. 
Interesting lessons may be learned from the preliminary 
period of more than a year spent in preliminary national 
and municipal organization, but all of this time must be 
deducted in attempting to form an estimate of the experiment 
and demonstration. Indeed it would not be unreasonable to 
make some further deduction on account of the large amount 
of time which executives and workers in the Mohawk-Brighton 
District have had to spend in receiving interested visitors, 
answering inquiries, pulling up, as it were, by the roots the 
tender plants of block organization and occupational co- 
operation to see whether they are flourishing, and in the 
pamphleteering and other controversial campaigning made 
necessary by the attacks of enemies and the solicitude of 
friends. It would be an overestimate rather than an under- 
estimate to say that the Social Unit has had a full calendar 
year of actual experience upon which to base an evaluation. 

Not Yet a Three- Year Experiment 

It is indeed five years or more since some of its essential 
features were formulated in addresses, manuscript, and con- 
versation; more than three years since the National Social 

Unit was completely organized, with pledges of financial 
support for a three-years' demonstration; and almost exactly 
three years since the executive committee made public its 
reasons for the selection of Cincinnati. It will not however 
be three years since the arrival of the executives of the Na- 
tional Organization in Cincinnati until January of 1920. The 
third anniversary of the meeting to organize the Mohawk- 
Brighton Social Unit will not occur until September 27, 1920, 
and the work of creating the Mohawk-Brighton Social Unit 
Organization was not even approximately complete and its 
first service installed until December, 1917. If therefore 
what is desired is a three-years' experiment in a local district 
— and it is difficult to see how any one could expect a dem- 
onstration in less than that length of time — we must wait 
for the end of 1920, and even then, as has been suggested, 
we must realize that the laboratory in which the experiment 
is in progress has been constantly invaded, quite legitimately 
of course, by those who want to see how the experiment is 
turning out. To an agitator, or even an educator, such keen- 
ness of outside interest is very welcome. A serious scientist 
might prefer to keep the doors of his laboratory closed at 
least a part of the time while the experiment is in progress. 

II: The Question of Democracy 

Viewing the Social Unit experiment in the Mohawk- 
Brighton District from the point of view of social work, one 
of the first questions to be answered is whether the experi- 
ment is genuinely democratic. There can be no doubt that 
in the objective sense that prospective beneficiaries are con- 
sulted in advance as to what their needs are and have oppor- 
tunity to take the initiative, both in defining their needs and 
in formulating measures for meeting them, the plan is dem- 
ocratic. Beneficiaries are consulted, because all of the 
residents in the district are consulted, and there is no pos- 
sibility in advance of any discrimination between benefi- 
ciaries and benefactors. All of the residents take part or 
may take part in the election of block councils; the block 
councils actually elect the block workers; block workers, in 
turn, become acquainted with all of the people living in the 
block; block workers, when they come into the Citizens 
Council, look upon themselves as delegates and are chary of 
making decisions until they have consulted their constituents. 

Independence and Initiative 

It is noticeable that the Citizens Council prefers not to 
decide new questions when they are first proposed, but that 
its members want time for consultation and discussion. It 
is noticeable that the councils do not, as a matter of course, 
accept recommendations or suggestions from executives; that 
they decide against even commendable proposals, sometimes 
because they do not themselves understand them, and some- 
times because they think that public opinion among their 
constituents is not yet educated up to the point of approving 
them. Proposals also come directly from residents through 
the Block Councils and block workers, and there is much 
evidence of original thinking and interchange of views among 
the block residents, such as would hardly be expected in 
communities where there is no such local organization to 
stimulate and give expression to it. 

There is no evidence that national, municipal, or district 
executives have arbitrarily imposed their views and plans 
upon the district, while there is much evidence to the con- 
trary. Members of the staff appear to differ in the normal 
degree among themselves about most matters, but they are 

apparently unanimous and enthusiastic in their confidence 
in the Social Unit plan and loyal to the fundamental prin- 
ciple of it that the people must decide for themselves what 
their needs are and that measures must not be imposed upon 
them without their full comprehension and occurrence. 

In this sense the democracy of the Social Unit plan has 
not been challenged by any one with whom I have had an 
opportunity to discuss the matter in Cincinnati. 

Is It a Natural Experiment? 

There are however other points of view from which the 
question of democracy may be considered. The chairman 
of the Council of Social Agencies pointed out that this is 
not a natural experiment in the sense that a need for such 
an organization was discovered or developed in the Mohawk- 
Brighton District and this plan thereafter devised to meet 
such a recognized local need. It was suggested that with 
a large national fund to meet expenses and capable executive 
leadership it would be quite possible to induce almost any 
community to accept and to appreciate such benefits as are 
conferred by the Social Unit, especially when they are an 
outright gift and involve no expense to the ones who are to 
benefit by its privileges. It would be contrary to human na- 
ture not to be grateful for such benefits and to go through 
whatever motions might be necessary to satisfy the peculiar 
ideas of those from whom the benefits come, even if those 
ideas were not fully shared or understood. 

This objection is perfectly valid as far as it goes. It is 
quite true that the Social Unit came to the Mohawk-Brighton 
District with funds to meet expenses for an experimental 
period, and that there was a perfectly definite understanding 
that during this experimental period whatever services were 
rendered by the Unit would be free. It is quite true that 
prior to the agitation in connection with the Social Unit 
there was no exceptional evidence of the need for community 
organization in this district. On the other hand, it is fair 
to say that everywhere throughout the country there was a 
recognized need of local community organization. This had 
been felt before the war and the war had greatly emphasized 
and had even developed certain means of meeting this need. 



Community councils, neighborhood organization through 
settlements, health centers, recreational centers, etc. had all 
been attempting to meet at least portions of this need. 

The Mohawk-Brighton District was selected partly because 
there was an immediate and exceptionally gratifying response 
to the proposal to meet this need in a more comprehensive 
way through the Social Unit, but also, it is frankly admitted, 
because there was sufficient interest in the country at large 
to justify making this experiment somewhere, and since the 
experiment was one which, in the opinion of its founders, 
is applicable to all communities, it must, in the nature of 
the case, be a matter of comparative indifference what com- 
munity is selected. The choice might therefore properly turn 
on such secondary, although in some respects important, con- 
siderations as actually led to the selection of the Mohawk- 
Brighton District. 

The Question of Free Service 
As far as the giving of free service during the experimental 
period is concerned, this is felt to be justified by considera- 
tions similar to those which lead to the sending of a new 
periodical for a brief period to possible subscribers. Ac- 
quaintance is invited as a means to conversion. The chance 
for a hearing is essential to acceptance of a program. 
Familiarity with a new form of social organization is a pre- 
liminary condition of demanding it. Another not inapt 
analogy might be found in medical education. The National 
Organization was frankly desirous of demonstrating a plan 
in which it thoroughly believed and of trying out certain 
tentative proposals which might be of great value. Just as 
patients obtain exceedingly valuable surgical and medical 
treatment as an incident to medical education, so the people 
of the Mohawk-Brighton District might, with entire propriety, 
accept whatever services were offered as an incident to the 
training of executives and social workers and the trying out 
of experiments which if demonstrated would be of value 
everywhere. It is quite possible that as applied to the nurs- 
ing service, which became a very important part of the work 
of the Social Unit, this policy was unwise. Visiting nursing 
associations throughout the country have been able to obtain 
payment according to the financial ability of patients, for 
services similar to those rendered by the nurses of the Social 
Unit, and even in Cincinnati this practice is followed outside 
of the Mohawk-Brighton District. 

Leaving to those who are called upon to evaluate the nurs- 
ing service the question as to whether the acceptance of pay- 
ment from those able to pay should have been made a part 
of the original arrangement, it is sufficient here to indicate 
that the democracy of the experiment is not impugned by 
the giving of free service for the experimental period in ac- 
cordance with the general understanding on which the Unit 
came into the district. On the other hand, it is true that 
when it becomes necessary for the residents of the district 
to pay for the services which they have heretofore obtained 
free, there will be a new test of their appreciation of the 
value of those services. 

The Question of Undue Influence 
In another, and somewhat different, respect the democracy 
of the plan has been challenged. It is claimed that the 
executives, being on the ground, being continuously on the 
job, having in their hands the organs of publicity and having 
at their disposal an indirect system of elections — residents 
choosing block councils, block councils choosing block work- 
ers, and a council made up of such block workers choosing 
the executive, and in a parallel series physicians, teachers, 
and other groups choosing their group council, and these in 

turn choosing their representatives in the Occupational Coun- 
cil, and the Occupational Council choosing the executives — 
there is no difficulty in securing the acceptance of whatever 
program the executives may have in mind. In other words, 
a political machine is quite as possible under the form of 
the Social Unit as under our ordinary system of local gov- 
ernment. This is doubtless true enough, but the proof of the 
pudding is in the eating. There seems to be no trace of any 
such machine or of any such machine politics. However 
unaccountable, the fact appears to be that the executives and 
those whom they can influence are more interested in estab- 
lishing and maintaining a democratic organization than in 
achieving particular programs. They are apparently trying 
to make a plan under which all of the people will do their 
own thinking, will challenge proposals with which they do 
not agree, and will participate to the fullest extent of their 
leisure and capacity. 

The unique feature of the plan seems to be that its found- 
ers and supporters are not trying to "put over" anything 
except what they announce. They are interested in health, 
education, religion, morals, good citizenship, and other con- 
crete aims, but only secondarily. They are primarily and 
persistently interested in developing a plan by which people 
may understand, as the result of their own experience, think- 
ing, and exchange of views, what degree and kind of health, 
education, recreation, etc. are desirable; and through which 
they can put into operation means of securing these desirable 
ends for themselves. They recognize that in order to secure 
such results, skilled expert service is essential, and that when 
the people decide what they want, the experts must be called 
in to decide on the basis of their own knowledge and exper- 
ience how to secure those results; that, on the other hand, 
the measures and instruments proposed by the experts must 
be so far intelligible to and acceptable by the citizens as to 
win their approval. 

Essential Democracy 
This is the Social Unit conception of democracy. It goes 
deeper than particular political institutions or forms of gov- 
ernment. It penetrates to the very heart of the social order 
and raises the challenge as to whether the people are or are 
not capable of deciding, with stimulated and socially con- 
trolled expert assistance, what their needs are and how they 
shall be met. This conception of democracy is akin to that 
of the New England town meeting, the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and the Bill of Rights. It may not be compatible 
with some aspects of party government or with some inter- 
pretations put upon existing constitutions. It has at least 
a superficial family resemblance to syndicalism, national 
guildism, and the Soviet idea. There is no reason to think 
however that the Social Unit plan has been inspired by any 
of these, or that any of the features which have distinguished 
these three systems in France, England, and Russia are to 
be expected in connection with the Social Unit, except their 
democracy. There is of course no suggestion in the literature 
or in the practice of the Social Unit of any belief in violence 
or of any attempt to subvert existing political institutions. 
During the war the Social Unit became the natural means 
through which liberty loans were subscribed and drives fcr 
the morale-making agencies were carried on. Its loyalty and 
patriotism, judged by its actions and teachings, have not 
been open to question. 

The Tendency of the Social Unit Philosophy 
The Social Unit however has a philosophy, and it would 
not be candid to fail to consider whether this philosophy, 
carried out to its logical conclusion, gives any justification 



for the attacks made by Mayor Galvin and others on the 
ground that the Social Unit has revolutionary tendencies and 
may become a source of danger to American institutions. 
The Council of Social Agencies, in its report of June 25, 
1919, besides finding that no attempt has been made to spread 
socialistic propaganda through the organization and that the 
originators of the Social Unit plan are fundamentally op- 
posed to violence or force as a means of achieving reforma- 
tion, went so far as to say that the philosophy back of the 
plan has been the opposite of that adopted by the Bolsheviki. 
The reference apparently is to the philosophy of violence 
or perhaps to the dictatorship of the Proletariat. The Social 
Unit fully deserves this exoneration against charges which 
imply any advocacy of violence, force, dictatorship of the 
Proletariat, or revolutionary action contrary to the wishes 
and interests of the community or the nation as ascertained 
by orderly and established procedure. This however does 
not entirely dispose of the question which most interests 
thoughtful citizens who are trying to look forward and to 
form some conception of the relations which seem likely to 
exist and vhich ought to exist between political and indus- 
trial democracy. "If the Social Unit plan succeeds, to what 
does it logically lead?" is a fair question, and it should not 
be evaded. 

In a bulletin written by Miss Jessie Bogen, then of the 
Social Unit staff, and subsequently circulated by authority 
of the National Unit, reference is made to the various skilled 
groups in the community as follows: 

In every community there are certain groups, each of which know? 
more about one particular thing than any other group. For 
example, the doctors know more about the prevention of disease 
than any one else; the teachers know more about educating 
children; the plumbers about plumbing; the business men about 
business, etc. 
The Social Unit plan aims to organize these groups for the good 
of the community as a whole. The doctors are to be the Board 
of Health of the district; the employers and trade unionists 
are to be the industrial experts; the social workers are to be 
the Department of Public Welfare; the teachers of the Board 
of Education, etc. 
On one occasion the executive of the Citizens Council is 
reported to have said in answer to a thoughtful question by 
a woman residing in the district that of course when the 
Social Unit plan was fully developed and all of the city was 
organized in districts corresponding to that of the Mohawk- 
Brighton District, the health officer of the city would na- 
turally be the man who had been chosen by the medical 
profession to represent themselves; the head of the public 
school system would be in the same way the representative 
head of the teaching profession; and the mayor would be the 
executive chosen by the Citizens Council, which in turn had 
been elected by Citizens Councils from the various districts 
and the local communities in those districts. In view of 

explanations of which these are typical, and in view of the 
profound faith which the founders of the Social Unit plan 
have in the principle of democracy as embodies in the Social 
Unit plan, it is evident that, in the opinion of those who are 
most competent to predict, the successful spread of the Social 
Unit plan and the general acceptance of its philosophy would 
(provide a substitute, not only for existing municipal depart- 
iments and government, but also for voluntary social agencies. 
This does not mean that any one who is interested in the 
Social Unit would expect such a culmination within a brief 
period, perhaps in our life time. Judging from the delibera- 
tion with which the initial steps of the Social Unit Organiza- 
tion were taken and from the consistent practice of executives 
in encouraging local deliberation, the point might never be 
reached when the Social Unit would provide for all social 
needs. On the other hand, it is difficult to see where any 
arbitrary line can be drawn to its expansion if its philosophy 
is sound and its results are found to be beneficial. 

It is, in other words, a potential substitute for existing, 
political government and for existing voluntary social 
agencies. The founders of the Social Unit plan have not 
denied this, although frequently placed in positions in which 
there must have been temptation to conciliate opposition and 
win support by a flat denial. They do say that this is only 
their own opinion, and that actual developments may be 
quite different. They ask only for trial, step by step, and for 
the acceptance and application of programs devised or ac- 
cepted by the people and approved by experience. Thus the 
democracy which they are advocating and which they wish to 
extend is perhaps only another name for social progress. That 
its triumph however would make unnecessary most of our 
present political machinery and would offer another, and, 
as its advocates believe, a better plan for discovering and 
meeting the social needs of the community, is hardly open 
to question. 

The evidence seems convincing that the principle of de- 
mocracy in the thoroughgoing sense attached to that term by 
the organizers of the Social Unit has been consistently adhered 
to and that the whole tendency of the movement has been to 
make its activities more completely democratic, more com- 
pletely under the intelligent control of committees selected by 
the community, and that the extension of the Unit idea has 
been through a slow and patient process of education and 
demonstration. It is not claimed that a complete democracy 
exists in the Mohawk-Brighton District. The avowed and 
principal purpose of the Social Unit is to create one and to 
perform such services as an intelligent and well equipped 
democracy may conceive to be desirable through such instru- 
mentalities as may be devised by the expert specialists who 
are working in the community and accept social direction. 

Ill: What Has Been Accomplished 

We may next inquire what tangible results in the field of 
social service have been secured in the Mohawk-Brighton Dis- 
trict through the Social Unit Organization. I may say at 
once that I have been able to obtain no statistical data such 
as may perhaps be available for evaluting the results of the 
medical and nursing service. Even if it were possible to 
obtain from the Associated Charities, the Department of 
Public Welfare, and other sources, exact information in re- 
gard to the number of individuals and families assisted by 
material relief at home, the number received in institutions, 
the number of adults and children placed on probation or 
otherwise treated through the Domestic Relations Court, the 

number who profit by recreational facilities or by efforts to 
improve sanitary and living conditions, there would be no 
earlier statistics with which to make comparisons and no way 
of judging whether a decrease was due to diminishing need 
or an increase to a greater success in discovering cases requir- 
ing attention. Although inquiries were made as to the pos- 
sible existence of any such data, it quickly became apparent, 
and indeed was clearly anticipated, that any such inquiries 
must lead to entirely negative results. This, however, does 
not mean that there is no evidence — merely that it is not of a 
statistical character. 



Evidence from Social Agencies 

Turning to such indications as we may reasonably take into 
account, we learn from the Associated Charities that almost 
immediately after the organization of the Social Unit there 
was a pronounced influx of new cases indicating needs which 
would have been neglected except for the cooperation of the 
Unit. The Secretary of the Associated Charities (Miss Alice 
E. Richard) is confident that in at least half of the cases under 
care of the Associated Charities in the Mohawk-Brighton 
District, there is a very much higher standard of case work 
than can be found elsewhere in the city. The Social Workers 
Council, which serves as the district case committee, secures 
the attendance at each meeting of the nurses and other social 
workers in the district who are interested in the families who 
are to be considered. The plan for the family is worked 
out, not by the visitor of the Associated Charities alone or in 
consultation merely with the family or in separate consulta- 
tion with different individuals who may be interested, but in 
a general conference of all those, including the block worker, 
who, as a neighbor and as having definite responsibility, 
would have a more intimate and a somewhat different kind 
of knowledge from that which would be likely to be acquired 
by the representative of any relief agency. Every family 
has the benefit of a medical examination of its members. 
Often this has taken place on the initiative of the family 
prior to any application for assistance. They have the advan- 
tage of the recreational facilities of the neighborhood and 
the advantage of having consulted with block workers often 
before the immediate crisis has arisen. A better understand- 
ing between nurses and social workers has been secured 
from this kind of conference than from any other method 
of which I have knowledge. 

The Associated Charities testifies that the Social Unit keeps 
a sharp lookout for the interest of its families, checking up 
any neglect or oversight, and this, the secretary thinks, has 
entirely beneficial results in the work of her own society. 
The Associated Charities believes that there is a happier group 
of citizens in this district than can be found elsewhere in the 
city, and that cooperation from the Social Unit has been 
better than the society has realized from any other agency. 
During a period of three months the Social Unit referred 
to the Associated Charities more families in need of attention 
than any other agency in the city. Relief given to families 
in this district is approximately the same per family as is 
given in other parts of the city. The intensive health work, 
however, both medical and nursing, has been a very beneficial 
supplement to other forms of case work, and this is the 
especially valuable service provided for families in this dis- 
trict not available to the same extent elsewhere in the city. 

The Better Housing League (Mr. Bleecker Marquette, Ex- 
ecutive Secretary) has found the Social Unit Organization 
most helpful in the practical work of its visiting house- 
keeper. In other sections of the city the League encounters 
difficulties in the conduct of its housing survey, for the reason 
that tenants do not readily understand its purpose, and occa- 
sionally considerable time has to be spent in gaining entrance 
to the homes. In the Social Unit district this is obviated 
because the block workers make clear to the people in ad- 
vance exactly what the League is attempting. This eliminates 
also resentment on the part of tenants at the calls of the visit- 
ing housekeeper, made for the purpose of giving advice in 
regard to the proper care of the house. Mr. Marquette says 
that more has been done in this district than can be accom- 
plished by a worker of equal ability and experience in other 

districts, and that this is accomplished with a more cordial 
approval by landlords and tenants and with less friction. 

Mrs. Helen T. Woolley, who is in charge of the Vocational 
Bureau in the Board of Education, is an unqualified and out- 
spoken advocate of the Social Unit. Mrs. Woolley was will- 
ing to make the confident statement for quotation that the 
work of her bureau — issuing of working papers, placement 
of children leaving school, mental tests of school children of 
all ages, etc. — is greatly facilitated by the Social Unit Organ- 
ization. She does not of course consider that results of this 
kind are in themselves the best evidence of the social value of 
the experiment, but merely that they are corroborative of its 
main purpose, which is the development of a real community 
spirit, a positive recognition of the principle that constituents 
must be consulted in regard to social measures. Mrs. Woolley 
referred to various suggestions which have come to her office 
from residents in the Mohawk-Brighton District, one, for ex- 
ample, raising the question as to the possibility of extending 
mental tests to other than school children. Mrs. Woolley de- 
scribed an interesting case in which a man in the district had 
been failing to support his family. It was thought that the 
father and some of the older children might be subnormal. 
It was a surprise to find that the contrary was the case; the 
father passed the test for superior adult intelligence, and the 
children who were examined also proved to be above the 
average. The difficulty had been that the man was an indus- 
trial misfit; he had only been able to secure work below that 
which he was qualified to do. A Social Agency secured a 
better job for him, requiring head work, and in this more 
suitable occupation he has been a success and has, without 
difficulty, supported his family. 

Evidence obtained from the Domestic Relations Court 
(Judge Hoffman and Miss Luella Townley) was equally 
iavorable. This Court comes particularly into contact with 
field work through its administration of pensions and its con- 
sideration of dependency as an element in child care. While 
no statistical data could be supplied, representatives of the 
Court were emphatic in saying that the Social Unit Organ- 
ization was of value in the care of those who are receiving 
mothers' pensions and in the cases of dependency coming to 
the knowledge of the Court. 

The Ohio Humane Society (Miss Ruth I. Workum, Execu- 
tive Secretary), having a different problem, has had a dif- 
ferent kind of cooperation with the Social Unit. In cases of 
deserted families living in the Mohawk-Brighton District, the 
society leaving to the Social Unit the supervision of the 
family, has remained free to concentrate its efforts in locating 
the deserter and bringing him to terms. In all of these 
cases, according to the testimony of the Executive Secretary 
of the Humane Society, the Social Unit has done a consistent 
and thorough work in building up the health of the family, 
and by giving relief has assisted in holding the family group 
together until an adjutsment could be obtained with the father 
or until his return to the home. 

The Anti-Tuberculosis League is of course a medical as 
well as a social agency, and as such its relations to the Unit 
will no doubt be examined by the medical evaluator. Here 
also, however, must be noted the enormous increase in the 
number of cases of tuberculosis examined by the League in 
this district after the organization of the Social Unit. In the 
eight years from 1910 to 1917 inclusive the total number of 
cases had increased from eleven to forty-four. In the single 
year following this number rose to 208, an increase of 375 
per cent. New cases increased from 25 to 179. Even these 



big increases were thought by the Anti-Tuberculosis League 
not to represent the full possibilities of the Unit. Of 179 new 
cases reported in the year, 103 were located by those work- 
ing within the Unit itself. Referring to this increase, Mr. 
Nels A. Nelson, Superintendent of the Anti-Tuberculosis 
League, says: "The general good will of the people toward 
the purpose of the Unit, the ability of the block workers to 
win the confidence of their families, generalized nursing, child 
welfare work, and cooperation on the part of physicians are 
all factors in this increase, intangible and incapable of actual 
measurement, but nevertheless evident to anyone who has 
been in touch with the Unit. They are factors without which 
no amount of intensification of service could secure an open- 
ing into the homes of such a vastly large number of families 
in so short a time." The Anti-Tuberculosis League calls at- 
tention to the striking success in reaching the cases of tuber- 
culosis in younger children from five to fourteen years of age. 
Comparing the work of the Unit with the most favorable 
year in the previous experience of the League as far as reach- 
ing low age groups is concerned, no room is left for doubt 
as to the vastly greater amount of work done by the Unit 
The significance of this testimony from the Anti-Tuberculosis 
League from our present point of view is not merely that more 
cases of tuberculosis have been discovered in an earlier age, 
but that in the opinion of the Superintendent of the League 
this is directly attributable to the neighborhood organization 
through which alone many of the cases have been discovered 
and through which helpful medical and social contacts can 
be made without misunderstanding or resentment. 

Similiar testimony is available from other social agencies 
in the city, and as far as I could discover, none to the contrary 
effect, either from voluntary agencies or from municipal de- 
partments. It would be absurd to try to reduce such estimates 
to a quantitative basis, but I think it represents fairly the 
general situation to say that all of the agencies engaged in 
field work regard the intensive block organization as an ad- 
vantage, as creating a favorable condition for a high quality 
of social service, whether of a curative and remedial or of 
a preventive and educational kind. 

Unwarranted Visiting? 

The question was very mildly raised in one or two inter- 
views as to whether there is over-investigation, too frequent 
visiting, undue interference with the privacy of family life, 
but I discovered no indication of any such feeling on the part 
of the numerous residents of the district whom I met at the 
Social Unit or in their own homes, and even those who raised 
the question did not speak as if there were much evidence of 
very numerous of very serious complaints on this score. The 
fact appears to be that the Unit has increased sociability and 
neighborliness, and that a new hospitality has arisen which 
embraces the visits of nurses, block workers, and others who 
call in connection with the services of the Social Unit, and 
that the resentment sometimes encountered against the visits 
of social workers — although that too is much less frequent 
than is usually assumed by the general public — scarcely exists. 

Reasons for Greater Effectiveness 

Turning from the testimony of particular social agencies to 
more general considerations as to the effectiveness of the 
Social Unit plan, it is obvious that such a thorough organiza- 
tion by blocks would naturally lead to an improvement in 
case work. Need is discovered and reported earlier than 
under other circumstances, so that there is a greater oppor- 
tunity for good relief work. Member of the Social Workers 

Council who undertake particular responsibilities are expected 
to report back to their associates as to what they have done 
in the cases assigned to them, and this has a beneficial influ- 
ence in securing prompt action, and also tends to eliminate 
friction where more than one agency is working with the 
same family. It appears from the records that far more than 
the average amount of careful consideration is given to the 
family problems. Miss Richard says that on examining her 
records she finds hardly a case in this territory that has not 
been discussed at least twenty-five times in the Social Workers 
Council. When one plan fails, another is tried, until it 
seems hardly an exaggeration to say that the only unsolved 
problems are those in which a particular need exists for 
which no provision is made by either public or private agen- 
cies. Discussions in the Social Workers Council bring out 
the importance of such remedies as a mental diagnosis, a 
Wasserman test, on the one hand, while on the other they 
enable nurses to learn the value of a social diagnosis and 
bring them to become increasingly willing to take the advice 
of social workers in their own province. 

The social agencies of the city have been brought closer 
and made more accessible to the people of the district. The 
neighborhood has come to appreciate more fully the variety 
of resources, sometimes in a distant part of the city, through 
the machinery provided by the Social Unit, whereby a given 
local need can be connected more quickly with the person 
or agency best able to meet it. Social workers get from the 
block workers useful basic information in regard to particular 
families before paying their first visit. They are able, in 
turn, to explain their plans through the block workers to the 
neighborhood and thus secure a better understanding of what 
the social worker is trying to do. The block workers, even 
in this brief period, have obtained some education in social 
work, and they have been able to pass on their new point 
of view to a greater or less extent to the people in their 
respective blocks. Some of the block workers have been 
attempting to break down the barriers between the native 
and foreign-born residents in their neighborhood. Some 
residents seem to have acquired the habit of looking beyond 
individual problems to the causes underlying them and to 
the means of getting them remedied. 

Procedure in Social Workers Council 

The plan of the Social Workers Council, in which in theory 
includes representatives of all social agencies doing field 
work in the district, as well as members of the visiting staff 
of the Social Unit, is to discuss at its regular weekly meetings 
family problems arising which involve the cooperation of 
more than one agency. These cases may be reported in the 
meeting by any member of the Council, but most of them have 
come from the Social Unit nurse or from the block worker 
in whose district the family lives. If the family has a record 
at the Confidential Exchange, the agencies registering are 
notified that it is coming up for discussion. Additional 
information from the block workers' census and from the 
nurse's records is compiled on what is known as a basis 
card, and also on the social diagnosis sheet designed by the 
Council for its own use. A synopsis of plans made in the 
Council and reports by the agencies appointed to carry out 
such plans is carried on the reverse side of the social diag- 
nosis sheet. No record is closed until some definite conclu- 
sion is reached as "cured" or "incurable," as the case may be. 




Only 53 families were discussed by the Council between 
July, 1918, and June, 1919. Forty-eight of these involved 
cooperation with the nurse of the Social Unit; the block 
worker was interested in 12 cases; the Associated Charities 
in 29; outside medical agencies in 16; the Court of Domestic 
Relations in 12; the Vocation Bureau and Attendance Depart- 
ment of the public schools in 12; the Humane Society in 9; 
the Juvenile Protective Association in 6; the War Community 
Service, through its law enforcement division, in 4; the Red 
Cross in 3; the Bureau of Catholic Charities in 2; and the 
Salvation Army in 2. Material relief was required in 21 
of the 53 cases. 

Proposal for Generalized Social Work 

The weakness of the Social Workers Council is in the some- 
what haphazard character of its membership. Many of its 
members are interested in only a few isolated cases in the 
district, the bulk of their work lying in other parts of the 
city. The Court of Domestic Relations, for example, has 
assigned a new probation officer to each case in the district. 
As it is desirable that other social workers should have as 
intimate a knoweldge of the neighborhood as that which 
the nurses working intensively in a small area possess, the 
executive of the Social Workers Council has made the inter- 
esting suggestion that the agencies whose work is not suf- 
ficient in amount to warrant the employment of a full time 
worker in the Mohawk-Brighton District should combine to 
employ one or more workers who, confining their work to 
the district, would act as field agents of these cooperating 
agencies in that area. In other words, the principle which 
underlies generalized nursing, of which the Social Unit claims 
to have demonstrated the validity, would thus be extended 
to social work, an intensive knowledge of the neighborhood, 
and of the families in which problems arise, being held, 
within certain broad limits, to be more valuable than the 
expertness which might be expected to come from a higher 
specialization, necessarily applied over a wider area, in neigh- 
borhoods with which the worker could not become so familiar. 

As experience has shown that the nurse is the one who 
brings to the attention of the Social Workers Council the 
larger number of cases, it is very reasonably urged that they 
should have training in social diagnosis. While this is by 
no means a new suggestion, it is interesting that an experi- 
ment which has brought nurses so closely and continuously 
into contact with social workers should have led to this recom- 
mendation by the executive of the Council in which they have 
been taking such an active part. 

Conclusion as to Results 

Summing up the evidence in regard to results achieved: 

I am of the opinion that definite tangible and substantial 
results have been obtained; that they can be measured in the 
testimony of cooperating agencies and in the information 
supplied by the executives and workers in the Social Unit 
and by the families in the district; but that they are' not cap- 
able of a quantitative statement in statistical form. I have no 
doubt, from my observations and from the interviews which 
I have had with workers, residents, outside friends, and critics, 
that the Social Unit has added substantially to the physical 
and moral well-being of the residents of the district; that 
it has led to more efficient and discriminating relief, to more 
thorough and constructive diagnosis of the needs of families 
in trouble; that it has prompted neighbor liness and sociabil- 
ity; that it has made the ordinary family residing in the dis- 
trict more hospitable to visitors who come with a helpful 
purpose, and more discriminating as to the probable effect 
of sanitary and social measures brought forward for their 
benefit. I cannot discover that these results have been secured 
at a disproportionate cost. Opinions on this subject must be 
expressed with diffidence, as there is almost no basis for 
comparison. There appears to be, however, no indication 
of extravagance in salaries or in administrative expenses, 
assuming that an intensive neighborhood organization is 
desirable. There is no doubt that members of the staff have 
worked with enthusiasm and unflagging energy to promote 
a democratic working organization, and that they have ob- 
tained a gratifying response. Whether the new habits are 
sufficiently ingrained and the new associations are sufficiently 
well grounded to be permanent can be ascertained only as 
external support is diminished or withdrawn. 

I believe it to be quite probable that a substantial part of 
the cost of continuing them might be raised within the district 
itself — certainly in the city of Cincinnati. Probably it would 
be premature to attempt to raise in the city funds to extend 
the experiment to other districts at the present time. Possibly, 
however, some district, as the result of meetings which are 
now being held in preparation for the conference in the lat- 
ter part of October, might develop a spontaneous local inter- 
est in applying the plan at their own expense, and of course 
if such an inclination should be apparent, it might be en- 
couraged. Except for this possibility it would seem to be the 
part of wisdom to continue the Mohawk-Brighton organization 
and services, extending the latter as far as available funds 
permit, and expecting that a considerable part, although not 
necessarily all, of the expense would be met by local contri- 
butions from within the district and from the city at large. 
I believe the results thus far obtained while not quantitatively 
measurable and conclusive, are nevertheless sufficiently en- 
couraging to make such an extension of the plan not only 
desirable, but a clear obligation on the part of those who 
have carried it to the present point. 

IV: Public Opinion in Cincinnati 

Perhaps the best evidence that the Social Unit is a serious 
experiment and that social workers throughout the country 
should become familiar with it lies in the fact that in Cincin- 
nati there is a sharp difference of opinion, not only among 
social workers, but throughout the community, as to whether 
it has been a success, as to whether it embodies in its logical 
outcome a menace to American institutions, as to whether it 
should be extended to other districts in the city, as to whether 
it should be included among social agencies for which sup- 
port is asked through the Council of Social Agencies, and 
even as to whether it should be continued at all. I cannot 

recall having ever observed such a clear cut and emphatic 
cleavage m any American city on any issue at all comparable 
to this. Party feeling sometimes runs high in a national 
election. A general strike such as occurred in Seattle and 
Winnipeg, or a police strike such as have occurred in Cin- 
cinnati, Washington, and Boston, might naturally bring out 
such a clash of opinion and feeling; but surely it is extra- 
ordinary that one of the great American cities should give 
the amount of attention that Cincinnati has given and is 
giving to the Social Unit, and that business men, public 
officials, civic and social clubs, the medical profession, 



churches, the daily press, as well as social agencies, should 
line up for or against the movement, appointing committees 
of investigation, adopting resolutions of approval or condem- 
natin, and displaying as much feeling as one would expect 
to find in a national election, all because, in a district which 
embraces only one-thirtieth of the population, a community 
organization has been effected which it is difficult to distin- 
guish, at least superficially, on the one hand, from such local 
community councils as the whole country was urged to estab- 
lish during the war, and, on the other, from health centers 
such as have been created elsewhere. 

The Personal Questionnaire 

The fact is that the Social Unit Organization does differ 
from other plans of local community organization and from 
other plans for health centers, in that it does embody a social 
philosophy, notwithstanding the fact that it is committed to 
no economic, social, or sanitary program. Perhaps the best 
statement of what this philosophy is will be found in the 
replies (under date of May 27, 1919), given by Mr. Phillips 
to a set of questions submitted to him by Mr. Bookman, Secre- 
tary of the Council of Social Agencies. This document is 
very illuminating and pertinent to the present inquiry. The 
questions, evidently prepared with the assistance of a radical 
or of one thoroughly familiar with radical discussion, are as 
searching and ingenious as the replies of Mr. Phillips are 
candid and straightforward. These questions do not deal 
with the Social Unit, but with the personal beliefs of its 
founders. Mr. Phillips is quite justified in insisting upon the 
clear cut distinction between personal views and organization 
activity. The Council of Social Agencies, as a result of the 
investigation of which these questions and answers are a 
part, reached the conclusion that the Social Unit Organization 
had not been used or abused for factional propaganda of 
any sort. This being the case, the question as to personal 
views of the founder might be summarily dismissed as irrelev- 
ant. The document has been studied in this connection, not 
for the light that it throws on personal views, but for the 
light that it throws on the inherent character of the Social 
Unit and its logical tendencies. Among other reasons for 
leaving the Socialist Party, Mr. Phillips says that they came 
to believe "that the collective intelligence of the community, 
when properly organized and concentrated upon social prob- 
lems, would be so sound in judgment that we were entirely 
willing to abide by any decisions it arrived at on a basis 
of tested experience." It will be noticed that the reference 
is to the intelligence of the whole community, not to that of 
the Proletariat or of those engaged in manual labor. Refer- 
ence is made also to organization and to concentration upon 
social problems, which of course may involve expert guid- 
ance and leadership, subject, however, as other phrases indi- 
cate, to ultimate social control. The paragraph indicates 
further that decisions should be made by the community thus 
organized and not by any one party or faction, and that 
the decisions of the community are to be on the basis of 
tested experience. 

The Unit Idea in Contrast with Current Practice 

No other plan of local community organization, as far as 
I am aware, goes as far as this in theory or so consistently 
works for this idea in practice. Certainly ordinary social 
agencies are not founded upon any such theory. For the most 
part, hospitals, orphan asylums, relief societies, foundations 
for the improvement of living conditions, public health asso- 
ciations, and even settlements and community movements, 
almost invariably start with the idea that there are a number 

of public-spirited and altruistic individuals who are willirg 
to give money to meet a recognized need, and from this start- 
ing point policies are ordinarily determined, executives and 
field workers chosen, and the beneficent work, whatever it 
may be, carried out, either by a self-perpetuating board of 
directors or by a board which is in effect self-perpetuating, 
although nominally perhaps chosen at an annual meeting of 
contributors or members of the society which is conducting 
the enterprise. 

In this respect the National Social Unit Organization did 
not differ at the outset from other agencies. It also consisted 
of a self-appointed committee which proceeded to raise funds 
to carry out its purposes. It was those purposes themselves 
which differed from those of other agencies, and the dif- 
ference becomes apparent as soon as the Social Unit Organi- 
zation, in a particular locality, begins to operate. Not only 
were the people invited to determine whether or not they 
wished the Social Unit to come, but they were given ample 
time to discuss, to reflect, and to understand. They were 
promised that as rapidly as a democratic organization could 
be substituted for the arbitrary machinery necessary to its 
introduction, this would be done. They were told that the 
democratic feature of the organization was its fundamental 
feature, and that every specific service and every development 
would depend upon its approval and acceptance by the com- 
munity itself, acting not through its elite, but through an 
organization in which every adult should have the right to 
participate, the opportunity of doing so, and a personal mo- 
tive, if, by any exercise of ingenuity on the part of the people 
concerned, such a motive could be found. 

The Real Touchstone 

I have become convinced, from my interviews and observa- 
tions in Cincinnati, that it is this basic feature cf the Social 
Unit, rather than the attempt to identify Mr. and Mrs. 
Phillips with violence, pacifism, free love, and other obnox- 
ious ideas, that accounts for the present division of public 
opinion in Cincinnati. It is quite true that enemies of the 
Social Unit have freely circulated these absurd and easily 
refuted charges. Mr. Phillips has made it plain from the 
beginning of the discussion in Cincinnati that his former 
membership in the Socialist Party, and his present theoretic 
objections to the private ownership and control of things 
which are essential to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness, have not been associated with any desire to subvert 
American institutions by force or violence. Those who per- 
sist in attributing to the leaders in the Social Unit any such 
extreme and radical views do so in the face of convincing and 
uncontradicted evidence to the contrary and convict them- 
selves of illiberal, un-American, and wholly unjustifiable 
methods of discussion. This, however, does not mean that 
there is no ground for their instinctive distrust. The real 
question is whether they do not object to the inherent tend- 
encies of the Social Unit; to its democracy, in the sense that 
it calls not only for consultation with the rank and file of 
small contributors, which is so rare to be almost non-existent 
in social work, but also for consultation with beneficiaries, 
which is so rare as to be almost unheard of. 

Stripping off non-essentials, do we really want a health 
commissioner to be thoroughly representative of the medical 
practice and the medical science of the whole community; 
or do Ave want the administrative head of the medical profes- 
sion to be a part of the political organization? The answer 
which would be given in any American community is not 
very easily predictable. Do we want the superintendent of 




schools to be chosen by the teachers, or the teachers to be 
chosen by the superintendent? The answer is not as easy as 
might at first sight appear. Do we want all of the residents 
of a block, including those who may need assistance, to decide 
what kind of assistance shall be provided under the expert 
advice of a social worker; or is the only responsibility which 
we shall recognize, on the part of the visitor dispensing 
relief, to the benevolent individual or the directors of the 
relief fund, as is the usual practice? Let those who are eager 
to throw a stone at the Mayor of Cincinnati as illiberal, make 
sure of their answer to this question. Have we any confidence 
that ordinary men and women who are liable to be attacked 
by tuberculosis, influenza, and other ailments, are capable 
of deciding for themselves, with expert medical advice at their 
disposal, how the practice of medicine and public sanitation 
should be organized; or do we believe in giving despotic 
powers for the prevention of epidemics to a bureaucratic 
board of health and in leaving to the private citizen the 
problem of discovering a private general practitioner as best 
he can? 

Our traditions and the prevalent method push us in 
one direction, efficient democracy perhaps lures us in the 
contrary direction. Most of us have very vague and unset- 
tled ideas; the Social Unit is a definite challenge to make up 
our minds. It is not surprising that a clear-cut proposal to 
put into practice the democratic method may frighten into 
open opposition public officials who feel responsible for 
administering our existing institutions, business men who are 
concerned not only about profits but about prosperity, social 
agencies committed to present methods of finance and admin- 
istration, and conservative citizens who are disturbed merely 
because new and strange methods are proposed, or perhaps 
for the better reason that they see the implications and do net 
like them. 

Mayor Galvin's Position 

The present division of opinion in Cincinnati can be inter- 
preted only in the light of the subtler and deeper differences, 
in the way in which men and women react to new proposals. 
I am convinced that Mayor Galvin, for example, is quite 
sincere, and even, from his point of view, is justified in his 
opposition to the Social Unit. In our interview with him the 
Mayor modestly disclaimed any especial analytical ability. 
He said that he doubted whether he could explain what a 
Soviet is, even as organized in Russia. Nevertheless, from 
what Mr. Phillips and others have said to him, from what he 
learns through his own departments and from private citizens, 
he thinks that the tendency of the Social Unit is revolutionary; 
that it represents a dangerous competitor to existing political 
institutions. He does not suggest that he fears any violent 
attempt to overthrow the government or that there is on 
foot any conspiracy to seize municipal power. Of course, if 
he thought anything of this kind was being attempted, he 
v/ould be taking immediate steps to prevent it and to appre- 
hend the conspirators. He is doing nothing of the kind. He 
has merely expressed an unwillingness to serve as chairman 
of a General Council of the Social Unit, as his predecessor 
had done, and is unwilling to give his confidence or approval 
to the Unit. He claims not to be attacking or opposing it 

In answer to the direct question as to whether 
his disapproval would go to the extent of causing him to 
instruct his heads of departments not to co-operate with the 
Unit in its own territory, he said frankly that if necessary he 
would do this, but that, as a matter of fact, no such instruc- 

tions were necessary; that he was much more influenced in 
regard to the Unit by his heads of departments then they 
were by anything that he had said to them. 

The Council of Social Agencies 

The Council of Social Agencies, through its Board of 
Directors, takes in effect a somewhat similar position. The 
Council acquits the Unit of having carried on radical propa- 
ganda. It is doubtful in regard to the efficiency and economy 
of the system. It decides that whatever sums are payable 
to the Social Unit under an existing contract should be paid, 
but seems inclined not to include the Social Unit in its budget 
for the year following the close of the experimental three- 
year period. 

The Chairman and Secretary of the Council of 
Social Agencies insist that the Council is not hostile and that 
it has not made an unfavorable report. They insist that 
even a decision not to include the Social Unit in its budget 
for next year should not be construed as an unfriendly act. 
The Directors of the Council of Social Agencies find them- 
selves confronted by a condition rather than a theory. To 
include the Social Unit, giving it in this way the endorsement 
of the Council, would instantly alienate many contributors 
•ind would in this way deprive established social agencies for 
chose financing the Council is responsible, of the support 
which they have a reasonable right to expect. The Chairman 
of the Council takes the position that he has no right thus 
to jeopardize the financial interests of charitable institutions 
upon whose resources the welfare of the sick, the infirm, and 
children of tender years depend. Quite independently of 
the merits of the controversy, without regard to the reason- 
ableness or unreasonableness of the giving public, the fact 
remains that public opinion about the Social Unit is so divided 
that an endorsement of it means the alienation of support, 
whereas a neutral position on the part of the Council need 
have no effect. He thinks that it would be reasonable for the 
officers of the Social Unit to recognize this situation, to recog- 
nize that since they are conducting an experiment about which 
opinions differ, it is reasonable that money for it should be 
raised independently in such a way as not to jeopardize the 
support of existing agencies. In the case of a demonstrably 
unfounded attack the Council might have an obligation to 
defend a particular agency, but in this case there has been so 
much publicity already, and the Social Unit is in such 
good position to defend itself that a sacrifice by the Council 
of Social Agencies is not called for. 

Admissions of Critics 

Critics of the Social Unit generally admit that it has done 
much good work. They account for this partly by the fact 
that they have had substantial funds to apply, by the fact 
that they have had good cooperation, and by the fact that they 
have been fortunate in the selection of capable executives. 
Since, however, the usefulness of any social agency depends 
largely on its success in securing cooperation and its success 
in raising necessary funds, these various explanations might 
all be resolved into additional evidence of the success of the 
experiment, rather than deductions from the credit due to it. 
But the frequency with which the point of view is urged that 
there is nothing remarkable about what has been accom- 
plished because of the fact that it is amply accounted for in 
this way, brings us back to the conclusion that opinions differ 
because of the inherent tendencies and fundamental idea of 
the Unit, rather than because of varying judgments as to 
the concrete results. 



The Alignment 

The actual line-up in Cincinnati may be roughly described 
as follows: 

AGAINST THE UNIT:— The Mayor, the Department of Public 
Health, the Department of Public Welfare, the Business Men's 
Club, the Visiting Nurses' Association, the Board of Directors 
of the Council of Social Agencies (with the qualification above 
indicated), a substantial body of conservative public opinion. 

FOR THE UNIT: — The residents of the Mohawk-Brighton District, 
the Department of Public Education, the Associated Charities, 
the Anti-Tuberculosis League, the Ohio Humane Society, the 
Woman's City Club, the Federation of the Mothers' Clubs, the 
Cincinnati Academy of Medicine, the Graduate Nurses' Associa- 
tion, influential Jewish citizens, representative Protestant 
churches, many individual Catholics including the editor of the 
Telegraph, and a number of well-to-do and otherwise respectable 
citizens who have a certain amount of sympathy with radical 
measures or who like to associate with those who have, and 
many people such as are naturally interested in neighborhood 

Of course, any such alignment is only approximate. It 
has no reference to official action. The social agencies, for 
example, which are enumerated as friendly to the Unit, would 
probably not wish to be understood as opposing the Council 
of Social Agencies, through which they obtain their financial 
support. Officers of the Council insist that there is no diver- 
gence between the attitude of the Board of Directors and that 
of the constituent societies. Putting the Department of Educa- 
tion on the friendly list is intended only to refer to the in- 
formation received through Mrs. Woolley and the published 
endorsement by Dr. Randall J. Condon, Superintendent of 
Schools, and others. I have not had occasion to make a count 
of churches, and there is of course no way of knowing how 
many individuals would be found in either camp until an 
actual vote has been taken. I am merely reporting the gen- 
eral situation as it is reflected in numerous interviews, which 
I believe to be fairly indicative. 

Impracticable to Reach Any Final Conclusion at Present 

It is obvious that some of the expectations of the com- 
mittee, which decided in favor of Cincinnatti, have been 
disappointed. It is obvious that the divergence of views and 
the different interpretations placed upon the report of the 
Council of Social Agencies confirm on the whole the impres- 

sion obtained by Dr. Cleveland as to the lack of unified 
public opiinon on matters of this kind or of any adequate 
means of securing a consensus of opinion. On the other 
hand, the Social Unit itself has freely taken up every chal- 
lenge, has welcomed public discussion, and whether merely 
for advertising or because it is regarded as the best means 
of promoting the fundamental purpose of the organization, 
it has made the most of the publicity to which hostile attacks 
naturally give rise. The present situation reveals what is 
perhaps the most serious weakness of the principle on which 
the Social Unit is founded. Mr. Phillips and his associates 
have thrown their personal opinion into the cauldron of this 
experiment and have a scientific willingness to abide by 
results, asserting that they are ready to accept as good what 
survives the acid test of experience an dto abandon all else. 

The "Acid Test" 

How shall we decide, however, what has survived and what 
shall be abandoned. If the Mayor and the heads of the 
Social Departments and the Council of Social Agencies are 
to decide, then the Social Unit itself has not "survived" and 
should be abandoned. If the residents of the Mohawk-Brighton 
District are to decide, then how much allowance shall we 
make for the fact that they have been receiving benefits 
which they have not been asked to pay for, and have been in 
the limelight of a discussion more or less nation-wide. If 
the citizens of Cincinnati as a whole are to decide, what 
machinery is there for obtaining their opinion and what 
reason have we to think that any except a small proportion 
of the people outside the Mohawk-Brighton District know 
enough about it to have an opinion worthy of consideration? 
If, by accepting as good what survives, we mean simply 
that whatever manages to survive is good, then autocracy 
and conventional democracy on plans very different from that 
of the Social Unit may present a very convincing case, since, 
in the evolutionary progress of the ages and the various 
revolutionary changes that have taken place from time to 
time, it is rather than the democracy of the Social Unit that 
has "survived." Moreover, if this were meant, there would 
be no occasion for such an evaluation as the Social Unit has 


The reasonable conclusion seems to be that the Social Unit 
has furnished much material for fresh thinking about social 
organization. It has succeeded in presenting a live issue; 
it has forced many who have slight inclination to controversy 
to define their position for or against democracy, for or 
against participation by a whole body of citizens in ques- 
tions which have heretofore, for the most part, been decided 
by a small minority; it has presented much interesting, 
although not yet conclusive, evidence in favor of such partici- 
pation. Most of those who are now ready to accept this 
evidence as convincing would probably have been easily con- 
vinced on purely theoretical grounds in advance. It stands 
to reason that if executives are constantly throwing back upon 
their councils and the council are constantly throwing back 
upon their constituents the responsibility for decisions, this 
will make for a more and more complete democracy. Those 
who appreciate this and whose enthusiasm is fired by its 
possibilities will eagerly accept the statement of the Asso- 

ciated Charities that finer and better case work is obtained 
in the Social Unit territory than elsewhere; the statistics of 
the Anti-Tuberculosis League that the number of people who 
can be benefited by the early discovery of the disease may 
be increased in this way three or four fold; the evidence of 
the Better Housing League and the Ohio Humane Society 
that they get better results because of the block organization; 
the reluctant testimony of the critics of the Social Unit that 
they are undoubtedly doing a great deal of good work; and 
the enthusiastic testimony of the residents, who, in the face 
of newspaper criticism by the Mayor of the city, record their 
desire by a vote of 4,434 against 120 that the Social Unit 
should continue its work. Even those who on a priori grounds 
distrust radical proposals, and those who on practical grounds 
consider the present a time for leaning backwards, may 
nevertheless be expected to agree, on the showing made thus 
far, that the Social Unit has earned the right to a longer and 
more complete trial. 



This Week .—CIVICS 

A Brighter Day for Mrs. Pruhn 

rpHE Boston Lodging-House Union, which recently cele- 
•*- brated its first birthday, is one more venture in coopera- 
tion that had its inception in war v/ork. The idea sprang 
from the preserving kettles of the conservation class at the 
South End House. Advertisement in the papers of an open 
meeting brought a crowded hall, and that night sixty land- 
ladies signed up for membership in the union. The number 
now has grown to two hundred and fifty, and includes land- 
lords as well as landladies. They are working to establish a 
definite standard of excellence, and the union sign in the 
window means to the room-hunter cleanliness, comfort, re- 
spectability and fair prices. New members are admitted only 
upon recommendation of an investigating committee and a 
majority vote of the members. Membership dues are so low 
as to debar no one. 

Mrs. Sarah Goddard, who succeeds Mrs. Robert A. Woods 
as president, is enthusiastic over the year's development of 
the union and the prospect of future mutual service. She 
has been in the lodging-house business for twenty-five years 
in Chicago and Boston, and feels that with the union a new 
era is starting. 

Besides standardization of service, the union has experi- 
mented with cooperative buying. Starting with a loan of 
five hundred dollars, bed linen, towels, spreads, blankets, 
soap, matches and many other things have been purchased 
direct from the wholesale houses and sold to the members 
at cost. One hundred and seventy-five dollars was saved 
from the purchase of sheets alone. Blankets that retail for 
fifteen dollars have been secured for less than half that 
price. A contract with a laundry averaged a saving of 
thirty-nine dollars a year to each member. Even a reduction 
of twenty-five cents a ton on coal seems a good deal in these 
times of high prices. Attempts to make a standard price of 
rooms did not succeed. Aristocracy of houses and streets 
still survives even in democratic neighborhoods. 

The members are now working for some form of central 
room registry. Although the union is approximately a 
commercial enterprise based upon the financial inter- 
ests of all, like other businesses that have their founda 
tion in equitable cooperation it has developed by- 
products of social significance in forming a 
protection against the men and women of easy 
morals and the dead beat. It has raised the moral 
tone of the neighborhood. Policemen feel it 
has been of help to them, and, best of all, it 
is developing the old time neighborly spirit 
of intimacy and mutual aid. Mrs. Goddard 
says that she had lived for twenty years in 
the South End in almost total ignorance 
of her neighbors until the union showed 
them their common interests. The tri 
angle in the window says to the pas- 
ser-by: "If you are looking for a 
room, look for this sign. It means , 
comfort and fair prices." But it 
says to the men and women in 

the lodging-house business, "Here lives a member of the 
Boston Lodging-House Union who understands your prob- 
lems and stands ready to help you solve them." 

Amy Woods. 

The City Beautiful 

AT a time when many American cities were yet lacking in 
the fundamentals of safe, healthy and decent conditions 
of community life, the "city beautiful" movement began to 
strike root; and soon after sums were appropriated for 
aesthetic objects which must have struck the older cities of 
the western world as altogether prodigal. Now that these 
essential services are, in most cases, provided for or under 
way of accomplishment, the movement apparently is suf- 
fering a set-back. 

It was curious to note, for instance, at the recent fifteenth 
annual convention in Philadelphia of the American Civic 
Association — which has always represented the aesthetic 
branch of the town planning and improvement movement — 
that speaker after speaker apologized for mentioning 
"beauty" at all as an element of importance in community 

The reason, of course, is not far to seek. Too often in the 
past the beautification of our cities has been on the principle 
which has been described as Queen Ann in front and Mary 
Ann at the back. The ambitious light standards in Main 
street were balanced by a complete absence of any standards 
in rear alleys and smaller byways. At present the tendency 
seems to be to swing too far in the other direction and to 
demand a demonstrably utilitarian and "paying" reason for 
every improvement. 

Unfortunately, the new insistence upon the practical brings 
its own exaggerations and pitfalls. These were evident, for 
instance, when the architect of America's most beautiful war 
town deplored the fact that the population was not made up 
exclusively of one category of workers and their families, 
or when the provision of good homes for workpeople at 
prices within their means was held up by speaker after 
speaker as a certain panacea for social unrest. As at 
many other gatherings of civic reformers, one also 
heard repeatedly the popular fallacy that the prob- 
lems of our overgrown cities can be solved by 
extending these still further in area and in popu- 
The Civic Association convention was both 
practical and inspiring, however, when it 
discussed the topics traditionally near to the 
heart of its membership. The war against 
dirt and noise, against the disfigurement 
of town and country, against low taste 
in public and commercial recreation, 
against anarchy in architecture still 
needs its champions and its co- 
horts. A new era, marked out- 
wardly by unrest and bitter eco- 
nomic strife but inwardly pos- 
sessed — for all the sneers of 




cynics — by high ideals of social reformation, must find expres- 
sion in appropriate environments. The war memorial move- 
ment, directed into desirable channels largely by the energy 
of this association, is one way. Another is the application to 
the modern problems of city planning and zoning of the 
imaginative quality which was often evident in their discus- 
sion at this convention. 

Food Distribution 

AMONG the sectional committees of the New York Re- 
construction Commission that on food production and 
distribution has been particularly active. Its report to the 
governor is full of facts and of thoughtful criticism of the 
present method of handling the food traffic in the state; it 
also contains recommendations which in some cases have a 
national application and importance. We can here repro- 
duce only some of the major recommendations. The great 
merit of the war-time control over food distribution, says 
the report, was its flexibility and its directness in handling 
matters usually encumbered with legal formality. While 
greater powers are asked for the state Department of Farms 
and Markets, the committee does not desire to see the statute 
book encumbered with detailed technical provisions. Rather 
it recommends 

That authority be given the department to license all wholesale 
dea'ers in food commodities and foodstuffs; that the State Council 
of Farms and Markets be given power, after public hearings, to 
issue regulations which when formally enacted and published will 
have the effect of law for the regulation of clearly defined abuses and 
wasteful or uneconomical practices. 

The amount of waste, owing often to transportation de- 
lays and sometimes to red tape, which prevents the prompt 
handling of faulty consignments pending the arrival of new 
instructions almost passes belief. The condemnation of 
twenty-five million pounds of food as unfit for human con- 
sumption in the city of New York alone in one year, accord- 
ing to the committee, "represents a normal condition. " This 
does not include the deterioration in the value of food 
through delay not serious enough to lead to condemnation. 
As a remedy the committee proposes the licensing of all 
wholesale dealers in perishable or semi-perishable food pro- 
ducts, and strict regulation of their practices by the state. 
It would also give the state Department of Farms and Mar- 
kets power to arbitrate between shipper and producer on 
invitation of one of the parties to a dispute and to compel 
the prompt handling of perishable products even before the 
dispute is settled. 

The food laws of New York are so complicated, and there 
is so much duplication of authority, that often helpful stat- 
utes that would prevent waste cannot be brought into opera- 
tion. Much harm results from the consequent uncertainty 
and confusion. One of the recommendations, therefore, is 
for a complete recodification of the food laws. The com- 
mittee has also, more specifically, drafted a bill to regulate 
traffic in eggs and to strengthen the supervision of egg deal- 
ers, and a bill to control the manufacture of egg products. 
A proposal for enlarged supervisory powers over cold 
storage is on the lines of the federal bill. 

In spite of a fairly complete law on weights and meas- 
ures in the state, the committee found fraud open and ramp- 
ant. The retail butchers of Greater New York, they estimate, 
are cheated to the amount of $766,000 a year. In the case 
of poultry guess-work still takes the place of accurate weigh- 
ing; and the practice of selling cans and wrappers as food 
survives all regulations and enactments. The fuller enforce- 
ment of these is the main recommendation of the committee 
on this subject. Uneconomic methods of packing and lack 
of grading are held up as other important causes of waste. 

A number of minor law amendments are proposed to meet 
these evils. 

Much time and effort was devoted to investigation of mar- 
keting conditions in different parts of the state. It was found 
that the methods of operating public markets varied widely 
from town to town. The general conclusions of the committee 
bear out observations that have previously been made in 
the Survey, namely that the principal value of municipal 
markets is not to undercut prices or to increase supplies but 
to afford an accurate barometer of prices, enabling the con- 
sumer to check up those quoted by dealers of all kinds. On. 
the whole, this purpose is as well fulfilled by open-air curb 
markets as by elaborate market buildings. In the case of 
the latter, in fact, special public supervision is necessary if 
they are not to benefit exclusively the larger dealers who 
can afford to pay high rents. 

The inadequacy of the market system of New York city 
has been exposed time and again; and the committee merely 
adds to the evidence clearly apparent. It summarizes various- 
proposals that have been made for the establishment of ter- 
minal markets and the arguments both for and against them, 
concluding that the proposal does not by any means provide 
a certain panacea for the present inadequate method of food 
distribution. In conjunction with other measures, and es- 
pecially if brought into being with the cooperation of the 
wholesale and retail trades, a system of terminal markets 
will, however, be an essential part of any ultimate solution 
of the problem. 

That it was appointed to inquire not only into food "dis- 
tribution" but also into "production," the committee seems 
to have forgotten when it got out this report. A noteworthy 
omission also is the silence on the possibilities of cheapening 
the cost of distribution by consumers' cooperation. This is 
the more noteworthy since at least one well-attended hearing 
on this aspect was held at which some of the nation's most 
expert cooperators gave evidence. One can only conclude 
that here the committee came upon the ground of contro- 
versial economic theory and was unable to agree. B. L. 

The Tinkham Bill 

VISITORS to the federal Department of Labor in search 
of information on industrial housing are referred to a 
gentleman who hands out to them all the time-worn plati- 
tudes of the "own-your-own-home" movement and who, ap- 
parently, is unaware of the great strides made by another 
branch of the department during the war in accumulating 
facts on modern methods of financing and operating indus- 
trial housing developments. Of the material laboriously 
collected by the two housing agencies of the government, the 
United States Housing Corporation and the Housing Division 
of the Emergency Fleet Corporation, much is already salted 
awa) where it is inaccessible even to the public-spirited men 
who have helped to get it together! 

The bill introduced in Congress by Representative George 
Holden Tinkham of Massachusetts for the creation of a bu- 
reau of housing and living conditions in the Department of 
Labor would make an end to this anomaly. Under the pro- 
visions of that bill, a competent officer of the department 
would not only take over and enlarge the body of informa- 
tion collected during the war but would undertake new inves- 
tigations, where expedient, issue publications on problems 
of vital importance to buildings, labor representatives, em- 
ployers and the general public — such as economic methods 
of eliminating slums, of improving living conditions, of re- 
ducing the cost of building, of financing extensive home 
building operations. In 1917, only 10 per cent of the normal 
building of workmen's houses took place, and in 1918 the 
deficit was probably even greater. In spite of adverse labor 
and cost conditions we are, therefore, probably at the eve of 
an unprecedented building boom which may proceed either 



-on undesirable, wasteful and purely speculative lines or 
which may give America such substantial and satisfying 
homes as the war activity of the government — though, un- 
fortunately, at a normally prohibitive cost — has created in 
many of the war boom towns. The need for such a bureau 
is well explained in a letter of Secretary of Labor Wilson to 
the House Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds to 
which the Tinkham bill has been referred: 

Investigations made by the Housing Corporation and by other 
branches of this department show that bad housing conditions reduce 
productive capacity and materially increase the labor turnover, and 
that good housing conditions increase productive capacity. Home 
ownership is, perhaps, the most important means of promoting good 
citizenship, because it inevitably increases the interest of the home 
owner in public utilities and in wise expenditures of public funds. 
In view of the shortage of housing and of the prevalence of unwhole- 
some living conditions, and in view of the decline of home ownership, 
the housing problem for individual workmen has assumed proportions 
that make the establishment of a federal agency for advice and research 
imperative. * * * 

Records of this department show that the housing shortage is acute 
in practically every industrial city of America, and every day letters 
are received requesting assistance in meeting this shortage, through 
the making of vacancy canvasses, such as have been conducted by the 
Homes Registration Service of the Housing Corporation, or by con- 
ducting Own a Home campaigns such as have been promoted in the 
Public Works and Construction Division of the Information and Edu- 
cation Service. Owing to lack of appropriations for these purposes 
«ach of these services of the department was curtailed in the spring 
of this year and was discontinued on June 30. Requests for such 
assistance, however, continually reach this office, indicating an urgent 
demand for the precise kind of service outlined in H. R. 7014. 

It is important that there should be a clearing house of information 
on housing and living conditions, in order to handle the scores of 
requests coming to the department daily. * * * 

I cordially approve both the principle and the detailed provisions 
of H. R. 7014, and hope that such a bill may be passed at this session, 
in order that such an advisory bureau may be established at once. 
There is no doubt that the housing shortage in America will be more 
acute in the coming winter than it has been at any other time in the 
history of this nation, and every effort should be applied to stimulate 
the building of homes during the summer and fall, and to assist com- 
munities in making available housing facilities in order that the hard- 
ships may be reduced to a minimum. 

Local Elections and Expert 

THE avalanche of labor victories in the London County 
Council and other municipal elections in England last 
week, which in many localities almost wiped out represen- 
tation of the liberal and progressive forces, did not corns 
altogether as a surprise to those versed in politics. For some 
time opponents of labor had urged the speedy enactment of 
the Local Elections (Proportional Representation) Bill, 
passed by the House of Lords in July and started by the 
government for early introduction as a government measure 
in the House of Commons. This bill, empowering all local 
authorities to adopt the proportional system, would greatly 
lessen the influence of national party politics in local elec- 
tions and give some, even if small, representation to substan- 
tial political minorities. As the November elections have 
shown, the traditional two-party system of England has en- 
tered a phase where the large, intelligent and on the whole 
progressive element, formerly united under the liberal party 
whip, is threatened with political extinction as labor gains in 
power. But apart from this, even within conservative and 
labor ranks, there is considerable demand for a method of 
representation which makes possible the expression of finer 
shades of political differences. 

In the great provincial cities, some of the most experienced 
and honored councillors have lost their seats in recent years, 
not from lack of public appreciation for their services to 
the community but simply because these exceptional men, in 
their devotion to their specific municipal responsibilities had 

not found time to keep in close enough touch with the polit- 
ical machinery to assure their reelection on the general party 
lines. Friends of good city government, therefore, have be- 
come warm advocates of a system which would enlarge the 
constituency of men of this type. Another argument forcibly- 
advanced is that the present election by wards prevents some 
of the most eligible and desirable men from seeking election 
because their logical constituents are distributed over the 
whole city. 

The two recent experiments in the United Kingdom in 
applying proportional representation to local elections have 
given complete satisfaction, it seems. The Sligo (Ireland) 
municipal elections of January, and the election of Scottish 
local boards of education in April, both held under this sys- 
tem, resulted in the representation of every group of citizens 
with definite, separate interests or policies. Trusted public 
servants were reelected in both cases. A diversity of view- 
points was introduced in the council chambers which stands 
in striking contrast with the previous lack of differentiation 
apart from that on orthodox party lines. 

Since the last summary given in the Survey (for March 
22), the Italian Chamber in August passed a bill providing 
for proportional representation in all parliamentary elec- 
tions; the German Constituent Assembly, itself elected under 
the system (in February), adopted it for the new national 
constitution; and the French Reform Act recognized it in 
principle, though only for certain contingencies. All mu- 
nicipal councils in Holland were for the first time elected 
under this system in May; and by an act passed in June it 
was imposed by the government of the United Kingdom on 
Ireland for the election of all local authorities. 

No Training Needed? 

THE Training School for Community Workers, which last 
year drew students from various parts of the country 
and conducted its classes at 70 Fifth avenue, New York, has 
not opened this fall. The reasons are inadequate financial 
support which, it is declared, could be overcome were it not 
for the second reason, namely, a "strangely meager enroll- 
ment, which makes impracticable the giving of that many- 
sided training involving the use of many instructors, which 
is needed if the school is to do justice to its students." Ap- 
parently, says the announcement of the director, John Collier, 
"The demand for community workers is now so far in excess 
of the number of persons, natively endowed, who want to do 
community work, that positions are available without pre- 
liminary training." The number of enrollments for the fall 
semester was fewer than twenty. The announcement con- 
tinues : 

Those who have been near to the work of the training school feel 
that not merely has the school made important practical contributions 
to the community movement in New York and the nation, but it has 
embodied a spirit and technique of training for public service which 
were significant. Is it not desirable that the group which has held 
together and expanded during four years, should continue to hold 
together, even though the teaching work of the school is suspended? 
Whither the training school has been bound, the whole world will 
ere long go toward a more humanized order, a more humanistic phi- 
losophy, a braver hope for the potentialities that are in the human re- 
lation when cooperatively organized. Suggestions of some possible 
plan of continued association will be welcomed from the school's 
alumni and friends by the organizing committee. 

TNDER the new name The Food Education Society, the 
*J National Food Reform Association of England intends 
to continue its instruction in scientific and economical cook- 
ery, in placing before the public the best available facts 
regarding diet, and in campaigning for the preservation of 
the teeth. The address is Danes Inn House, 265 Strand 
London, W. C. 2. 





Rochester, N. Y. 
New York Washington Chicago San Francisco 


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An intensive two week's course in 




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To the Editor: We desire to call your at- 
tention to the fact that the article by W. L. 
Chernery in the Survey, of September 27, 
has unfortunately given a wrong impression 
in regard to the experience of Wm. Demuth 
& Co. with Industrial Democracy. The article 
in question might easily lead one to believe 
that our Industrial Democracy has proven to 
be a failure; for example: your article has 
been made the basis of an editorial in the 
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Sunday, October 5, 
1919, under the title of Sham Industrial 

In spite of outside agitators, who succeeded 
in bringing about a so-called strike through 
intimidating many of our workers, Industrial 
Democracy is still, and will continue to be, in 
operation at our plant. 

You say "there is furthermort no real power 
behind the workers of the House." The in- 
ference here is altogether misleading by sug- 
gesting that certain powers given to the man- 
agement, is withheld from the workers. Such 
is not the case. There is a power of veto 
vested in the Cainet, but the same privilege 
to refuse to legislate is accorded to the work- 
ers through their House of Representatives 
and Senate. The fundamental idea of our 
whole plan provides for a coordinate working 
of the House, Senate, and the Cabinet, in such 
a way that there never should e any need for 
the use of veto power. 

You call attention to the fact that under 
our plan of Industrial Democracy we had a 
strike-proof factory, and that "Industrial De- 
mocracy is now on strike." 

We feel that it is only fair to the readers of 
the Survey that we say that the "Leitch 
Plan," which is in operation at our factory, 
has never been advertised or accepted by us 
as being "strike-proof," but a step in the right 
direction toward avoiding strikes. 

After reading your article, the editor of 
the St. Louis Post-Dispatch was led to call 
our Industrial Democracy, "this rather fool- 
ish experiment." While you are not to be 
held responsible for what is written by him; 
nevertheless, we feel that the impression cre- 
ate by your article is not in accord with an 
accurate statement of the situation. If any- 
thing, we are more than ever convinced of 
the possibilities of Industrial Democracy in 
helping us solve the problem of closer rela- 
tionship between our employes and the com- 

L. Demuth. 
[President, Wm. Demuth & Co.] 

New York. 

an enlightening book on the subject of cripples 
by that eminent cripple, Joe F. Sullivan, educa- 
tional director Mich. Hosp. School. 208 pp.; red 
silk illustrated; postpaid, $1.50. 

LOCOMA PUB. CO., Farmington, Mich. 

To the Editor: There are a number of 
statements in the article in your issue for 
September 27 regarding the strike of employes 
at the Demuth pipe factory which ' call for 
comment. There is litttle industrial democ- 
racy in the shop committee plan as there in- 
stalled. Practically all such installations are 
merely modernized welfare work or camou- 
flaged benevolent despotism. 

As long as there is no judicial branch or 
board of appeals for arbitration in the so- 
called democratic organization, the company 
still maintains ultimate conrol, and industrial 
democracy is a misnomer. The board of ap- 
peals, with provision for a disinterested um- 
pire, is the safety valve whose absence is 
bound to result in an explosion sooner or 

As long as there is no suggestion system to 
act as a channel to carry communications 
from the employe to his committee or a bulle- 
tin board method of informing the employes 
of the actions of the committee, the system 
is incomplete and will not function properly. 

Shop committees are not new in this 
country, but employers are acting as if they 
were and are installing them without refer- 

ence to past experience. They are putting 
people in charge who never had anything to 
do with them and consequently do not under- 
stand them. No wonder strikes are occurring 
in such plants right and left. The New Jer- 
sey Chamber of Commerce spent nearly a 
year investigating the subject before making 
a recommendation and the National Confer- 
ence Board a longer time. 

Like every movement which suddenly be- 
comes popular, shop committees will be played 
with and come to grief. They will succeed, 
however, when properly installed. There will 
probably be developed in the future two 
movements in parallel. One where the em- 
ployer has a closed (union) shop and deals 
with organized labor through shop committees 
controlled by the union; the other where the 
employer has an open shop and deals with 
shop committees developed and controlled 
mutually by himself and his own employes. 
There will still remain for a long time em- 
ployers who do not recognize their employes 
as human beings and are continuously fight- 
ing them. They will gradually be absorbed 
by one or other of these two movements. 

It is not too early to predict which will win 
out on purely economic lines. For as the 
first is based on antagonism with its accom- 
panying restriction of output, with its depend- 
ence on the strike and lockout for success, it 
cannot compete with the second, based on 
cooperation and resulting in higher efficiency, 
increased output and lowered cost of living 
and with its dependence on arbitration of dif- 
ferences for continuity of operation. We have 
excellent authority for the inevitable fate of 
"a house divided against itself." 

H. F. J. Porter. 

New York. 

To the Editor: A daily prints the follow- 
ing: "The plan to draw the factory crowds 
off Fifth avenue during the noon hour brings 
once more to the fore the need of keeping 
that street open for commerce — a kind of 
commerce that brings the city hundreds of 
millions a year from all parts of the country." 
How you gonna keep 'em down on the farm 
after they've seen Paree! 

J. D. Holmes. 
New York. 


Items for the next calendar should reach the 

Survey before December 13. 

Blindness, Nat'l Comm. for the Prevention of. 
New York. Nov. 25. Sec, Mrs. Winifred 
Hathaway, Russell Sage Bldg., New York. 

Child Welfare, Ohio State Conference on. 
Cincinnati. Nov. 19-20. Sec, R. A. Longman, 
312 W. 9th St., Cincinnati. 

Consumers' League, Nat'l. Louisville, Nov. 20-21. 
Sec. Mrs. Florence Kelley, 44 E. 23rd St., New 

Consumers' League, New York State. Syracuse, 
Dec. 1-3. Sec, Theresa Wolfson, 450 Fourth 
ave., New York. 

Cooperative Convention, Nat'l. District Meet- 
ings. Marshall, Tex., Nov. 18-19; Atascandero, 
Cal., Nov. 22-23; Seattle, Wash., Nov. 25-26; 
St- Paul, Minn., Nov. 29-30. Sec, J. P. VVar- 
basse, 2 W. 13th St.. New York. 

Municipal League, Nat'l. Cleveland, Dec. 26-30. 
Sec, Clinton R. Woodruff, No. American Bldg., 

Social Work, Kansas State Conference of. 
Topeka, Nov. 18-20. Sec, G. L. Hosford, 113 
N. Law ave., Wichita. 

Social Work, Kentucky State Conference of. 
Louisville, Nov. 2-24. Sec, Elwood Street, 1100 
Starks Bldg., Louisville. 

Social Work, New Hampshire State Confer- 
ence of. Portsmouth, Nov. 20-21. Sec, Mrs. 
James W. Remick. Concord. 

Social Welfare, New Jersey Conference for. 
Tfiiton, Nov. 19. Sec, Ernest D. Easton, 45 
Clinton St., Newark. 

Socal Work, South Carolina State Confer- 
ence of. Sumter. Nov. 18-20. Pres., A. T. 
Jamison, Connie Maxwell Orphanage, Green- 

Taylor Society, Annual Meeting of the. New 
York, Dec. 5-6. Managing director, H. S. Per- 
son. 29 W. 39th St., New York. 

Welfare Conference, Ohio State. Cincinnati, 
Nov. 18-20. Sec, H. H. Shirer, 335 S. High 
St., Cincinnati. 

Classified Advertisements 

Advertising rates are: Hotels and Resorts, 
Apartments, Tours and Travel, Real Estate 
twenty cents per agate line; fourteen lines to 
the inch. 

"Want" advertisements under the various 
headings "Situations Wanted," "Workers 
Wanted," etc., five cents each word or initial,' 
including the address or box number, for each 
insertion. Minimum charge $1.00. Address 
Advertising Department, The Survey, 112 
East 19th Street, New York City. 




WANTED: Fifty Public Health Nurses for 
positions in the Middle West. Have several 
vacancies for school and infant welfare nurses. 
Apply to the Bureau of Intelligence of the 
Chicago Tuberculosis Institute, 8 S. Dearborn 
Street, Chicago, 111. 

write fully about yourself, including work at 
least past five years; salary expected. He- 
brew Orphans' Home, 12th St. and Green 
Lane, Philadelphia, Pa. 

WANTED: Director and Organizer of 
Public Health Bureau, city of 60,000 in Iowa. 
Must be R. N. with executive ability. Give 
age, experience, references and when avail- 
able. Address 3335 Survey. 

has a few vacancies for visitors, and visiting 
housekeepers. Please communicate with the 
Superintendent of the Relief Department, 
1800 Selden Street, stating experience, train- 
ing and salary expected. 

WANTED: A Travelling Field Secretary 
for the Pennsylvania State Federation of 
Y. M. H. A's. State Education, Experience 
and Salary. William Topkis, Y. M. H. A., 
Wilmington, Delaware. 

Preferably one who has had experience with 
adolescent or Jewish girls. Write Cedar 
Knolls School, Hawthorne, N. Y. 

WANTED : Experienced Case Worker. Ap- 
ply Welfare Bureau, Atlantic City, N. J. 


For an unusual organization 

ONE of the large retail businesses of 
the country, noted for its modern 
ideas of organization and the importance 
which it attaches to its personnel, is look- 
ing for the best man available to fill the 
position of Personnel Manager. This man 
should be the right age and personality, 
and possess the necessary education and 
outlook to enable him to secure the right 
people for the organization, to supervise 
their training, and to plan and carry out 
all relations between the corporation and 
its employees. 

This is not a one-man job, but is a 
position at the head of a considerable 
force of specialists. It calls for a man of 
action, as well as for a man of sound 
theory. The right man will find an op- 
portunity to make for himself a place 
second in importance to none in the or- 
ganization, and to earn compensation that 
such a place merits. 

An interview may be secured by put- 
ting in writing sufficient information to 
show that the writer possesses real quali- 
fications for the position. 

Address: 3342 Survey. . 

SOCIAL and Welfare Worker (woman) ex- 
perienced college graduate, desires position 
in executive or organizing capacity. Address 
3305 Survey. 

NOW AVAILABLE, social worker exper- 
ienced in settlement, playground and girls' 
organization work. Expert in group recrea- 
tion. Address 3315 Survey. 

YOUNG WOMAN desires position as pro- 
bation officer in a Juvenile Court. Graduate 
of the school of Social Work of Richmond, 
Virginia. Two years' training, specializing 
the second year in Juvenile Court work. Ad- 
dress 3323 Survey. 

SOCIAL WORKER, college graduate, 
trained in family case work, with six years' 
experience as executive, desires position. Ad- 
dress 3332 Survey. 

IN OR NEAR ONE of the large Eastern 
cities,, position by a trained craft teacher and 
social service worker. Address 3339 Survey. 

YOUNG WOMAN, college graduate, with 
five years' experience in social and secretarial 
work, would like position in social work. 
Salary, $1,500 to start. Address 3340 Survey. 


of foot and hand Graphotypes, foot and power 
addressographs, plate holders and cabinets. 
Address 3298 Survey. 

lars Out Speedily, Economically and Accu- 
rately; and Keep an Indestructible Record of 
the Names you Want to Address: by buying 
our Addressograph. It is a Model F2, prints 
through a ribbon like typewriting, works fif- 
teen times as fast as a typewriter, is equipped 
with 110 volt Alternating Current Motor, is 
only a year old, is in first class condition, 
and is being disposed of because we are pur- 
chasing more elaborate equipment. Price 
$1.50, F. O. B. Louisville. Welfare League, 
1105 Starks Building, Louisville, Ky. 



First Editions. Catalogue sent ' on request. 
C. Gerhardt, 25 W. 42d St., N. Y. 


Rare books — First editions. 
Books now out of print. 

Latest Catalogue Sent on Request 

42 Lexington Avenue New York 


Fifty cents a line per month, four weekly inser- 
tions; copy unchanged throughout the month. 
Mental Hygiene; quarterly; $2 a year; pub- 
lished by The National Committee for Mental 
Hygiene, 50 Union Square, New York. 
Public Health Nurse; monthly; $2 a year; pub- 
lished by the National Organization for Public 
Health Nursing, 156 Fifth Ave., New York. 
Hospital Social Servi-^ Quarterly; $1.50 a 
year; published by Hospital Social Service As- 
sociation, 405 Lexington Ave., New York. 
Dr. Robinson's Voice in the Wilderness has come 
to life again. It is interesting and full of meat 
from cover to cover. Two dollars a year; twen- 
ty cents per copy. 12 Mt. Morris Park West, 
New York City. 

EDWARD T. DEVINE will make a limited 
number of lecture engagements. For rates, 
subjects, and open dates address the Survey. 


Listings fifty cents a line, four weekly insertions- 
copy unchanged throughout the month. 

Order pamphlets from publishers. 

Transactions of the First National Coopera- 
tive Convention. 300 pp. $1.00. Published by 
the Cooperative League of America, 2 West 13th 
St., New York. 

Immigration Literature distributed by National 
Liberal Immigration League, P. O. Box 1261, 
New York. Arguments free on request. 

You Should Know About Credit Unions. A 
manual furnished gratis upon request. Massa- 
chusetts Credit Union Association, 78 Devon- 
shire St., Boston. 

Chicago Standard Budget for Dependent Fam- 
ilies. 39 pp., 25 cents. Published by the Chi- 
cago Council of Social Agencies, 17 North State 
St., Chicago, 111. 

The Selection of Foster Homes for Children. 
Principles and methods followed by the Boston 
Children's Aid Society, with illustrative cases. 
By Mary S. Doran and Bertha C. Reynolds. 
New York School of Social Work, 105 East 22nd 
St., New York. Price 35 cents. 

Lynchings A National Menace. The White 
South's Protest Against Lynching. By James 
E. Gregg. Reprinted from the Southern Work- 
man. From Hampton Institute, Hampton, Va. 

India in Revolt! and The Tragedy of India. 
Both pamphlets by Ed. Gammons. Free on ap- 
plication to Hindustan Gadar Party, 5 Wood 
St., San Francisco, Cal. 

Houses or Homes. First Report of the Cincinnati 
Better Housing League, Ohio. 

The Moral Decay of the Modern Stage. By 
William Burgess. An address delivered at the 
National Conference of Social Workers. The 
Illinois Vigilance Association, 5 N. La Salle St., 
Chicago. Send 4 cents stamps. 

The Importance of a Philosophy dealing with 
the Relations of the Negroes and Whites in this 
Country. By Bolton Smith. From Author, 
Memphis, Tenn. 

Yes, But— Booklet answering popularly heard 
objections to Birth Control. Sample Free. 20 
copies for $1.00. Voluntary Parenthood League, 
206 Broadway, New York City. 

Our Immigration and Naturalization Laws. 
National Committee for Constructive Immigra- 
tion Legislation, 105 East 22nd St., New York 

Three Plays for Boys. By Frederic L. Fay and' 
M. A. Emerson. Association Press, 347 Madison.- 
Ave., New York City. 

Motion Picture Films. 650 travel-scenic, nature, 
science. National Board of Review, 70 Fifth 
Ave., New York City. Price 15 cents. 

Principles of Progress and Methods of Im- 
provement. By John J. Klein. Especially in- 
teresting and helpful to Social Workers, Lib- 
erals, Progressives, and other forward-looking 
and upward-striving people. Send 23 cents for 
copy, postpaid. Life and Service Bureau, Box 
54, Jamestown, N. Y. 

For Value Received. A Discussion of Industrial 
Pensions. John A. Fitch. Reprinted from the 
Survey. Price 5 cents. Special rates for quan- 
tity orders of any of the above on application. 
The Survey, 112 East 19th St., New York. 

Workshop Committees. Suggested lines of de- 
velopment of workers' shop organizations, man- 
agement questions and types of organization. 
By C. G. Renold. Reprinted from the Survey 
for October 5, 1918. Shop Committees in 
Practice. By C. G. Renold. Industrial Re- 
lations. A Summary of Conclusions reached by 
a Group of Twenty British Quaker Employers 
after Four Days of Discussion in 1917 and 1918. 
(The three articles above in one reprint.) 

Report of the Provisional Joint Committee. 
Adopted unanimously by the British Industrial 
Conference, Central Hall, Westminster, April 
4. Rerrinted from the Survey for May 3, 1919, 
and not heretofore published in the United 



LEGISLATION — John B. Andrews, sec'y; 131 
E. 23rd St., New York. For public employment 
offices; Industrial safety and health; work- 
men's compensation; health insurance; one 
day's rest in sevin; efficient law enforcement. 

Pres., Social Service Department, Indiana Uni- 
versity, Indianapolis; Antoinette Cannon Ex. 
Sec, University Hospital, Philadelphia. Organi- 
zation to promote development of social work in 
hospitals and dispensaries. Annual Meeting 
with National Conference of Social Work. 


Gertrude B. Knlpp, exec, sec'y; 1211 Cathedral 
St., Baltimore. Urges prenatal, obstetrical and 
Infant care; birth registration; maternal nurs- 
ing; Infant welfare consultations: care of chil- 
dren of pre-school age and school age. 

CIATION— Miss Cora WInchell, sec'y. Teachers 
College, New York. Organized for betterment 
of conditions In home, school, Institution and 
community. Publishers Journal of Home Eco- 
nomics. 1211 Cathedral St., Baltimore, Md. 


LEAGUE — Wm D. Foulke, pres.; C. G. Hoag, 
sec'y; Franklin Bank Bldg., Phlla. Leaflets 
free. P. R. Review, quarterly, 40c. a year. 
Membership entitles to Review and other pub- 
lications) $1. 

CIATION — 105 W. 40th St., New York. For 
the repression of prostitution, the reduction of 
venereal diseases, and the promotion of sound 
sex education. Information and catalogue of 
pamphlets upon request. Associate Membership. 
$2.00; Annual, $5.00; Sustaining, $10.00. Mem- 
berships include quarterly magazine and month- 
ly bulletin. 

OF CANCER — Curtis E. Lakeman, exec, sec'y; 
25 W. 45th St„ New York. To disseminate 
knowledge concerning symptoms, diagnosis, 
treatment and prevention. Publications free 
on request. Annual membership dues, $5. 

EUGENICS REGISTRY — Battle Creek, Mich. 
Chancellor David Starr Jordan, pres.; Dr. J. H. 
Kellogg, sec'y; Prof. O. C. Glaser, exec, sec'y 
A public service for knowledge about human 
Inheritances, hereditary Inventory and eugenic 
possibilities. Literature free. 

CHRIST IN AMERICA — Constituted by 30 
Protestant denominations. Rev. Charles S. 
Macfarland, gen'l sec'y; 105 E. 22nd St., New 

Commission on ' the Church and Social Serv- 
ice; Rev. Worth M. Tippy, exec, sec'y; 
Rev. F. Ernest Johnson, research sec'y; 
Miss Grace W. Sims, office sec'y. 

Commission on International Justice and 
Goodwill; Rev. Henry A. Atkinson, seo'y. 

Commission on Church and Country Life; 
Rev, Edmund de S. Brunner, exec, sec'y; 
Rev. C. O. Gill, field sec'y. 

Commission on Relations with France and 
Belgium, uniting American religious agen- 
cies for the relief and reconstruction of 
the Protestant forces of France and Bel- 
gium. Chairman, Rev. Arthur J. Brown, 
105 East 22nd Street, New York. 

National Temperance Society and Commission 
on Temperance. Hon. Carl E. Mllliken, 
chairman Commission. 

HAMPTON INSTITUTE— J. E. Gregg, princi- 
pal; G. P. Phenix, vice-prin. ; F. K Rogers, 
treas. ; W. H. Scoville, sec'y; Hampton, Va. 
Trains Indian and Negro youth. Neither a 
State nor a Government school. Free Illus- 
trated literature. 

WOMEN (NATIONAL)— Headquarters, 146 Hen- 
ry St., New York. Helen Winkler, ch'm. 
Greets girls at ports; protects, visits, advises, 
guides. Has .international system of safeguard- 
ing. Conducts National Americanization pro- 

CIAL HYGIENE, INC. — 50 Beacon St., Boston; 
pres., Charles W. Eliot; sec'y, L. V. Ingraham, 
M. D. Circulars and reading list upon request. 
Quarterly Bulletin. Memberships: Annual, $3- 
Sustaining, $10; Life, $100. 


fleld Storey, pres.; John R, Shlllady, sec'y; 70 
Wfth Ave., New York. To secure to colored 
Americans the common rights of American cit- 
izenship. Furnishes information regarding race 
problems, lynchlngs, etc. Membership 78,000, 
with 256 branches. Membership, $1 upwards. 

ton Ave., New York. To advance physical, so- 
cial, intellectual, moral and spiritual interests 
of young women. Student, city, town and coun- 
try centers; physical education; camps; rest- 
rooms, lunchrooms and cafeterias; educational 
classes; employment; Bible study; secretarial 
training school; foreign work. 


Owen R. Lovejoy, sec'y; 105 East 22 St, New 
York, 35 State branches. Industrial and agri- 
cultural investigations; legislation; studies of 
administration; education; delinquency; health; 
recreation; children's codes. Publishes quar- 
terly, "The American Child." Photographs, 
slides and exhibits. 


— Chas. F. Powlison, gen. sec'y; 70 Fifth Ave., 
New York. Originates and publishes exhibit 
material which visualizes conditions affecting 
the health and education of children. Cooper- 
ates with communities, educators and organiza- 
tions through exhibits, child welfare campaigns, 

GIENE — Clifford W. Beers, sec'y; 50 Union Sq., 
New York. Pamphlets on mental hygiene, men- 
tal disorders, feeblemindedness, epilepsy. Inebri- 
ety, criminology, war neuroses and re-education, 
social service, backward children, surveys, state 
societies. Mental Hygiene; quarterly: $2 a 

TION OF BLINDNESS — Edward M. Van Cleve, 
managing director; Gordon L. Berry, field sec'y; 
Mrs. Winifred Hathaway, sec'y; 130 East 22 
St., New York. Objects: To furnish Informa- 
tion, exhibits, lantern slides, lectures, publish 
literature of movement — samples free, quanti- 
ties at cost. Includes New York State Commit- 


— Owen R. Lovejoy, pres., New York; William 
T. Cross, gen. sec'y., 315 Plymouth Court, 
Chicago. General organization to discuss prin- 
ciples of humanitarian effort and increase effi- 
ciency of agencies. Publishes proceedings an- 
nual meetings. Monthly bulletin, pamphlets, 
etc. Information bureau. Membership, $3. 47th 
annual meeting New Orleans, 1920. 
Main Divisions and chairmen: 
Children — Henry W. Thurston, New York. 
Delinquents and Correction — Bernard Glueck, 

M. D., New York. 
Health — George J. Nelbach, New York. 
Public Agencies and Institutions — Robert W. 

Kelso, Boston. 
The Family — Amelia Seares, Chicago. 
Industrial and Economic Conditions — Florence 

Kelley, New York. 
The Local Community — H. S. Braucher, N. Y. 
Mental Hygiene— C. Macfie Campbell, M. D. 

Organization of Social Forces — William J. Nor- 
ton, Detroit. 
Uniting of Native nnd Foreign-Born In America 

— Allen T. Burns, New York. 
— Robert A. Woods, sec'y; 20 Union Park, Bos- 
ton. Develops broad forms of comparative 
study and concerted action In city, state and 
nation, for meeting the fundamental problems 
disclosed by settlement work; seeks the higher 
and more democratic organization of neighbor- 
hood life. 

TIONS AMONG NEGROES— L. Hollingsworth 
Wood, pres.; Eugene Kinckle Jones, exec, sec'y; 
200 Fifth Ave., New York. Investigates condi- 
tions of city life as a basis for practical work; 
trains Negro social workers. 

— Miss Maude Wetmore, ch'n, 257 Madison 
Ave., New York. To mobilize and train the 
volunteer woman power of the country for 
specific service along social and economic lines; 
cooperating with government agencies. 


— Jean Hamilton, org, sec'y; 35 E. 30th St., 
New York. Evening clubs for girls; recreation 
and instruction in self-governing and support- 
ing groups for girls of working age. Magazine, 
"The Club Worker," monthly, 75 cents a year 

HEALTH NURSING — Ella Phillips Crandall, 
R. N. exec, sec'y; 156 Fifth Aye., New York. 
Objects To stimulate the extension of public 
health nursing; to develop standards of tech- 
nique; to maintain a central bureau of in- 
formation. Official organ, the "Public Health 
Nurse," subscription Included In membership. 
Dues, $2.00 and upward. 


— Mrs. Edith Shatto King, mgr., 130 E. 22 St., 
New York. A cooperative registry managed by 
social workers, to supply social organizations 
with trained workers. 

bert Colgate, pres.; Rush Taggart, treas.; Vir- 
gil V. Johnson, sec'y; rooms 20-21, 465 Lex- 
ington Ave., New York. Composed of non-com- 
mercial agencies interested in the guidance 
and protection of travelers, especially woman 
and girls. Non-sectarian. 


LEAGUE — Mrs. Raymond Robins, pres.; 64 W. 
Randolph St. (Room 1003) Chicago, 111. Stands 
for self-government in the work shop through 
organization and also for the enactment of 
protective legislation. ' Information given. Offi- 
cial organ, "Life and Labor." 

DREN— Mabel Skilton. Secretary, 44 Dwlght 
Street, Boston.. Objects: the organization of 
Nutrition Clinics and Classes to Identify un- 
derweight and malnourished children and to 
provide for them standardized examinations, 
adequate diagnoses, proper care and treatment: 
the publication of bulletins and the arranging 
for public conferences in this field. 

AMERICA — H. S. Braucher, sec'y; 1 Madison 
Ave., N. Y. C. Playground, neighborhood and 
community center activities and administra- 
tion; cooperating with War Dept. Commission 
on Training Camp Activities. 


Battle Creek, Mich. For the study of the causes 
of race degeneracy and means of race improve-' 
ment. Its chief activities are the Race Better- 
ment Conference, the Eugenics Registry, and 
lecture courses and various allied activities. 
J. H. Kellogg, pres.; B. N. Colver, sec'y. 
NURSES — Florence Johnson, mgr., 44 East 
Twenty-Third Street, New York; N. Y. A na- 
tional registry for graduate nurses, established by 
the American Red Cross in cooperation with the 
American Nurses' Association, the National 
League of Nursing Education, and the National 
Organization for Public Health Nursing, to 
supply hospitals, training schools, sanatoria and 
public health agencies with trained personnel. 
DISABLED MEN — Douglas C. McMurtrle, dlr., 
311 Fourth Ave., New York. Maintains indus- 
trial training classes and an employment bureau 
for crippled men. Conducts research in re-edu- 
cation for disabled soldiers and industrial 
cripples. Publishes reports on reconstruction 
work here and abroad, and endeavors to estab- 
lish an enlightened public attitude towards 
the physically handicapped. 

provement of Living Conditions — John M. Glenn, 
dlr.; 130 E. 22 St., New York. Departments; 
Charity Organization, Child-Helping, Educa- 
tion, Statistics, Recreation, Remedial Loans, 
Surveys and Exhibits, Industrial Studies, Li- 
brary, Southern Highland Division. 
Wilson, pres.; Richard S. Chllds, sec'y; 10 West 
9th St., New York. Clearing house for informa- 
tion on short ballot, commission gov't., city 
manager plan, county gov't. Pamphlets free. 

TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE— An Institution for the 
training of Negro Youth; an experiment in 
race adustment in the Black Belt of the South; 
furnishes information -on all phases of the race 
problem and on the Tuskegee Idea and meth- 
ods Robert R. Moton, prin.; Warren Logan, 
treas.; A. L. Holsey, acting sec'y; Tuskegee, 

son Ave., New York. Conducted by the Play- 
ground and Recreation Association of America 
under the War Department and Navy Depart- 
ment Commissions on Training Camp Activities 
to mobilize all the resources of the community 
near the camps for the benefit of the officer 
and men. The War Camp Community Service 
stimulates, coordinates and supplements tn. 
social and recreational activities of the cam! 
cities and towns. Joseph Lee, pres.; »■ 
Braucher. sec'y. 



No. 5 


The British Way 135 

Birth of the Freedom League 135 

Oppressed Nations and Groups 136 

Another Hellenic Grievance 136 

Calgary's Jail 136 

A Kentucky Clearing House 137 

A Union of Professionals 137 

German War Prisoners 138 

The H. C. of L 138 

Nephew Find Your Own Job 138 

The Massachusetts Minimum Wage 138 

Girls' Recreational Work 139 

"Pulling Out" 139 


Westchester Winthrop D. Lane 140 

The National Budget Joseph P. Chamberlain 144 

On Behalf of Vierzy 145 

The American Experiment A. Mitchell Palmer 146 

Reassurance from the Supreme Court 

Kate Holladay Claghorn 147 

The Coal Strike William L. Chenery 150 


Aberdeen's Unique Plan E. T. D. 156 

Raising Money in Midsummer John B. Dawson 156 

Abnormal Not Subnormal E. T. D. 157 

Comparing Subscriptions L. B. 157 

A Year of Social Planning Elwood Street 158 

A "State and County" Conference L. B. 158 

Using Older Men on the Wards A. L. Bowen 158 

Post Discharge Relief in Canada L. B. 159 

NEIGHBORS ALL :. P. U. K. 160 


October Raymond Holden 162 



Associate Editors 



Contributing Editors 



Published weekly and Copyright 1919 by Survey Associates, Inc., 112 East 
19 Street, New York. Robert W . de Forest, president; Charles D. Norton, 
treasurer; Arthur P. Kellogg, secretary. 

Rates: 10 cents a copy; $4 a year; foreign postage, $1.50 ; Canadian, 75 cents. 
Entered as second-class matter, March 25, 1909, at the post office New York, 
N. Y '., under the Act of March 3, 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special 
rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, author- 
ized on June 26, 1918. 

THE SOCIAL POETRY OF THE YEAR by Paul Lyman Benjamin, 
is one of the special book features in the December Reconstruction 
number of the Survey for November 29. 


SOME paragraphs in a letter from a British manufacturer 
of wide experience both in public administration and 
private enterprise are especially interesting at this time 
when America is going through some of the acute unrest 
which characterized England eight months ago. At that time 
this manufacturer wrote saying that he was deliberating on 
closing down his plant "so that everybody could cool off"- — 
the war had left people so unsettled, managers and men; the 
relaxation of the strain had so affected the power of people 
to concentrate on the task in hand ; feeling was running high. 
He did not do so. Today he writes: 

The evidence I get from the managers at the — Works is to the effect 
that our people have now settled down to work, and the output is 
equal to what it was in 1914. I think, however, we are exceptionally 
fortunate in this, for it is not the general experience. There is still 
a great deal of restlessness resulting from the industrial upheaval 
caused by the War, and the many strikes which we are suffering from 
are merely evidence of the general spirit of unrest. 

The temper of the people, during the railway strike, was, I think, 
very good. There was little bitterness and very little sabotage 
indeed scarcely any, but the opinion of the public, on the whole, was 
definitely against the men — not so much on the rights and wrongs of 
their case, but on account of their precipitate action. 

I am an optimist with regard to social conditions in the country. 
We shall, of course, have to pass through many difficulties, but I 
think we shall win through. After all, the British people are fairly 
level-headed and sensible when they come to a difficult place. But 
we shall not get industrial peace unless employers are prepared to 
approach the situation in a liberal spirit, and are thoroughly alive 
to the fact that we are living in a 'new world, requiring new indus- 
trial conditions. The present generation of workers cannot be fitted 
into the industrial system which existed before the war, and any 
attempt to squeeze them into it will inevitably lead to trouble. We 
are, of course, blessed with a number of responsible labor leaders who 
take a calm and statesmanlike view of the situation. Backed up by 
reasonable employers, these men will be able to guide their followers, 
but if the employers oppose them, then we shall certainly have bad 


ALTHOUGH one who was familiar with the origin of 
the American Freedom Convention held in Chicago 
recently might have expected its proceedings to be 
dominated by Socialists and other radicals, he would have 
been compelled to modify his opinion before it adjourned. 
After witnessing the election of the national committee, in 
which Seymour Stedman was defeated by Duncan McDonald, 
president of the Illinois Federation of Labor, and some 
lesser light was victorious over Victor Berger as Wisconsin's 
representative, he would have discovered that the conven- 
tion could not be dismissed as the manifestation of a mere 
radical point of view. The greeting received by the colored 
man who was chosen to represent West Virginia also gave 
evidence of the breadth of the convention's outlook. It is 




true that it was called by the National League for the Re- 
lease of Political Prisoners, formed last winter upon the 
initiation of die National Executive Committee of the So- 
cialist Party, but when it met it carried the endorsement of 
nearly four hundred organizations, including many national, 
state and local labor unions as well as Socialist and labor 
parties. The reported membership of these organizations 
was 1,558,000. Making allowance for the duplications in 
this membership, the convention represented a large element 
in the population. 

The convention met to advocate the restoration of the con- 
stitutional rights of freedom of thought and of utterance, 
and amnesty for political and industrial prisoners. Un- 
doubtedly it was animated by a strong conviction that the 
men and women who were convicted under the espionage 
act and other war statutes, and who are still held in prison 
a year after the war has ceased, are being persecuted for 
their opposition to the present industrial order. It was 
pointed out that although the espionage act was passed to 
catch German spies, not a single German had been convicted 
under it and 363 Americans were in prison as a result of 
the method of enforcing it, while the cases of 497 others are 
still pending. Dean Robert M. Lovett, of the University of 
Chicago, said that two-thirds of these were held on charges 
involving only the expression of opinion in private. State 
laws alleged to abrogate fundamental rights were also 
censured. Dean Lovett spoke favorably of the Chamberlain 
bill and other bills before Congress affording amnesty to 
political prisoners (see the Survey for September 20, page 

In the auditorium of the Machinists' Hall, decorated with 
the stars and stripes and with a picture of Lincoln occupy- 
■ ing the place of honor, the three hundred delegates formu- 
.-'^Jfited a document which called attention to the suppression 
of freedom of utterance, and to the uprooting of the con- 
"ieption of America as an asylum for oppressed people of 
other lands. The threatened deportation of "political 
refugees from India" was cited as an instance of this, as 
was also the actual deportation of other foreign born per- 
sons, not because they thought or practiced violence — many 
of them being strongly opposed to the use of force in any 
exigency — but because "of their activity in organizing work- 
ers into labor unions, participating in strikes" and oppos- 
ing the "continued domination of our government by the 
private owners of industry." To petition Congress for the 
redress of these wrongs, it was considered, is futile. The 
convention therefore dedicated itself to work "for the united 
action of all labor that the power of solidarity may insure 
victory in the fight for freedom." 

A permanent organization to carry on this fight was 
formed. This is to be called the American Freedom League. 
The function of the national committee will be to perfect 
this organization. It will have its headquarters in Chicago 
and will act in general as a clearing house for various or- 
ganizations working "for the release of political, religious 
and industrial prisoners. . . against deportations for political 
offences and against all laws and regulations curtailing the 
free expression of opinion." 


WITH the break-up of the three great enemy empires, 
Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey, and of Rus- 
sia, the number of "oppressed" nationalities repre- 
sented in the United States by substantial immigrant colonies 
has undergone a marked reduction. Poland and Bohemia 
are already far on the way towards a stable, republican gov- 
ernment. The Serbs, Albanians, Finns, Letts, Lithuanians, 
Ukrainians, Syrians, Armenians and other racial minorities 
in the former empires, with the sympathy and aid of the 
Allied governments, have at any rate the prospect of com- 
plete self-government as soon as they can come to an under- 
standing with their respective neighbors and to a sufficient 

unity on dominant political issues among themselves. Thus 
it happens that the racial minorities clamoring for American 
sympathy in their struggle for independence are largely those 
subject to the Allied governments themselves. The League 
of Small and Subject Nationalities which, since 1915, has 
tried in a modest and straightforward way to acquaint the 
American public with the claims of the different racial minor- 
ities and their historical background, did so — until the United 
States entered the conflict — without regard to the side in the 
European war on which, in each case, the dominant majority 
stood. With the entrance of this country, however, it was no 
longer possible to do so, and a somewhat inaffective attempt 
to carry through the old program — still linking the case of 
Ireland, India, Korea, etc., with that of Poland, Syria and 
Albania — gradually ceased. The league now has dissolved. 
Quite recently, a new and more militant organization, not 
of small nationalities generally but exclusively of those con- 
sidering themselves coerced by others — a League of Op- 
pressed Peoples — has come into being, representative at 
present of insurgent groups — some majority and some minor- 
ity — in India, Egypt, Ireland, Korea, China, Russia, Persia 
and Syria. Because of the very fact that the Allies have 
liberated the groups concerned in enemy countries, the 
residuum is made up of groups largely in their own lands. 
Dudley Field Malone, former collector of the Port of New 
York, is chairman of the organization. Among other Amer- 
ican backers of the new league are Prof. Herbert E. Corey, 
the Rev. John Haynes Holmes, Oswald Garrison Villard, 
Frank P. Walsh, Frederic C. Howe, Harry Longfellow Dana, 
the Rev. Norman Thomas, Prof. Carleton Hayes, Robert 
Morse Lovett, Lovejoy Elliott and Prof. A. U. Pope. 


BOOT-BLACKS, in many cities, have changed in some- 
thing like a generation, from Irish to Negro, from 
Negro to Italian, from Italian to Greek, and now in 
Seattle the Greeks are complaining that they are being driven 
out of the profession by the Turks, with their lower standard 
of living. 


ONE unexpected result of the strike in Winnipeg, Can., 
last May and June, was the cleaning up of the police 
cells in Calgary, eight hundred miles away in another 
province. A number of Calgary citizens had been searched 
for evidences of Bolshevistic affiliations following the strike, 
and two or three of them, in consequence of suspicious- 
looking books found in their possession, spent a night in the 
city jail. "Some of our finest men, you know," said the dis- 
creet city employe who told the story; "men who had never 
been arrested for anything before. I'm sure I don't know 
how they happened. ... At any rate, after that the conditions 
in the cells began to be talked about." Indeed, the city 
council appointed a committee of three to investigate. One 
of the three was Mrs. Alderman Gale — very appropriately 
appointed, since this was primarily a housekeeping matter. 

A member of the committee declared that when he went 
over the cells they were supposed to be "clean"— he could 
not say what they must have been like when "dirty." Blan- 
kets were found that had not been washed for seven years; 
they were promptly well aired in the daily press. When Mrs. 
Gale asked to see the laundry bills, she was told by the man 
who would have had charge of them if there had been any, 
that he had never seen one — and he had been there twelve 
years. One alderman said that he felt personally respon- 
sible for such conditions and would not stay on the council 
fifteen minutes if they were allowed to continue. 

The committee substantiated the charges against the jail. 
It recommended that the Medical Health Officer, who had 
under his supervision the sanitary arrangements in all build- 
ings owned or controlled by the city, be required in the future 
to submit quarterly reports to the council on the condition 



of all such buildings. It also carefully considered both the 
possibility of improving the cells in their present location 
in the basement of the city hall, and a plan for moving them 
to the top floor. Here they would have plenty of sunlight 
and suitable quarters for women could be more easily pro- 
vided. Although two of the three members of the committee 
recommended this solution, the council felt that so drastic a 
rearrangement of the building — it would have required a 
redistribution of the occupants of the second, third and fourth 
floors — was too radical and expensive, and besides that it 
was "not necessary to provide a sunparlor for criminals." 
(The committee had, of course, emphasized the fact that many 
of the occupants of the cells were not criminals, but persons 
awaiting trial.) Nevertheless, it was decided to "fix up" the 
basement. The windows of this reach well above the ground 
level and the building has open space on all sides, so that it 
is not as bad as it might be when properly cared for. The 
council took steps also to provide better food, to see that a 
matron is in attendance whenever a woman prisoner is in the 
jail, and to discontinue the use of the padded cell. It is 
probable, moreover, that some better plan for handling 
mentally deranged persons will result from the interest 

George Bernard Shaw declared the other day that the 
number of "extremely honest, high-minded, ultra-respectable 
people who have been in prison" recently was very great and 
that in a very short time it would be easy to convince people 
that conditions in jails are bad because "every honest man 
in the country will have done six months and got to know 
something about the matter." 


KENTUCKY has a newly organized cooperative council, 
which will be a clearing house for the plans and work 
of all the agencies in any way concerned in the welfare 
of the state. The functions of this council include the publi- 
cation of a directory of social agencies of the state; the col- 
lection of information regarding social agencies, their 
resources, plans and surveys; the preparation of a pin map 
showing the salient points in the information thus gathered; 
the consultation and cooperation of member organizations; 
and a unified action on social legislation. Dr. Frank L. 
McVey, president of the Univerbity of Kentucky, is president 
of the council ; Mrs. Laf on Riker, president of the Federation 
of Women's Clubs, is vice-president; the secretary and treas- 
urer is Elwood Street, director of the Welfare League of 


WHETHER there is a profession of social work or not, 
a frequently disputed subject, is likely to be seri- 
ously considered if the plans for a great national 
inter-professional body mature which are now put forward 
by a group of men including architects, civil engineers, 
physicians, journalists and teachers. At the suggestion of 
the Post-War Committee on Architectural Practice, a com- 
mittee of professional and technical men, including Dr. 
Alexander Lambert, president of the American Medical As- 
sociation, New York; Thomas R. Kimball, president of the 
American Institute of Architects, Omaha; Calvin W. Rice, 
secretary of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 
New York; Frederick L. Ackerman, New York; Felix Adler, 
New York; Charles A. Beard, New York; Charles A. Boston, 
New York; N. Max Dunning, Chicago; Henry W. Hodge, 
New York; Robert D. Kohn, New York; Arthur D. Little, 
Cambridge, Mass.; Basil M. Manly, Washington; Milton 
B. Medary, Jr., Philadelphia; George A. McKean, Detroit; 
E. J. Mehren, New York; Frank A. Waugh, Amherst, and 
Charles H. Whitaker, Washington, has arranged an inter- 
professional conference, to be held in Detroit on November 
28 and 29. The main purpose of this conference is the es- 


r E are but a short space from those days when men and 
women showed themselves equal to the supr.emest of all 
sacrifices: when for the sake of a great ideal countless 
men gave up all quest of material things, laid aside all thought 
of self and creature comforts and went forth to suffer and die 
for the betterment of Life. All that was theirs of hope in 
years to be they gave ungrudgingly. Is it not for us who are 
left to give deep and reverent th.r.iks that it was given us to 
know such high and gallant hearts, that to us there remains 
this priceless possession, — that by the valor of their souls we 
have learned new Nobleness, possessed new Heritage? 

FOR what greater gift could we be thankful than that it is 
given us to keep the faith, to hold high the torch, to give 
ourselves to the betterment of Life with the same glorious 
abandon as did they — to give our all. W. H. M. 

tablishment of a definite program on which all the profes- 
sions can unite, and its principal motive is to increase the 
importance and value of their public services and, possibly, 
to create a permanent inter-professional body. While prob- 
ably the conference will decide to concentrate on a few 
major points in such a program, a great variety of sugges- 
tions have been received showing the many benefits which 
inter-professional organization might bring with it. Some of 
these suggestions are as follows: 

To outline the functions of the different professions and the proper 
fields of cooperation; 

To compare and study ethical standards; [A re-definition of these 
standards is desired more particularly by some members of the com- 
mittee who feel that at present they relate too exclusively to mutu 
relationships within the professions and not sufficiently to the relatio 
between members of one profession and those of others.] 

To create public opinion favorable to the employment of the b 
qualified technical service in every field of government; [The wartinT 
services of such men have shown how great at normal times is the 1 
to the people in efficiency and economy which comes from the fact 
that the professions are practically unrepresented in our scheme of 
government, federal, state and municipal. A member of the com- 
mittee, in illustrating this point to a representative of the Survey, 
mentioned the effectiveness of a representation made some years ago 
by the New York State chapter of the American Institute of Archi- 
tecture to Governor Sulzer of that state, concerning the incompetence 
of a man who had been appointed state architect and who was passing 
on the expenditure of several million dollars' worth of public works 
a year. Not only was the contention of that delegation borne out by 
investigation, but owing to that incident the architects of New York 
have had a hand in entirely remodeling that particular department of 
the state government which since then has been conducted on efficient 
modern lines.] 

To bring the ideals and functions of the different professions before 
college and high school students through addresses by representative 
members of these professions; 

To spread the ideals of public service among the professions them- 
selves and discuss means by which the sense of responsibility of their 
members may find practical expression; 

To discuss means by which professional education may be brought 
into closer touch with the actual problems of the time; 

To democratize, if possible, the relations of professional men to the 
technical workers under their direction; 

To study eventually the whole question of guild organization among 
all grades of persons vocationally cooperating in the same service, 
whether professionally trained or untrained, employers or employed. 

Two motives, then, are responsible in the main for the 
promotion of this conference: first, the idea of extended 
public service and public responsibility by the- professions, 
and second, the democratization of the professions. On 
this latter point a member of the committee explained that 
at present the larger professional organizations are ruled, 
generally speaking, by an elite of the most successful men 
who are active in them. While this has its advantage, it 
means in practice that the vast majority of men in profes- 
sional and semi-professional vocations have little or no 
representation in the relations of that profession to the out- 
side and feel little sense of responsibility toward the public, 
however high their ethical standards might be among them- 






selves. The calling of this conference has aroused a great 
deal of discussion and received encouragement from the 
most varied quarters. The office of the organizing commit- 
tee is at 56 West 45 street, New York. 


GERMAN prisoners of Avar are now returning in large 
numbers to the fatherland where their reception and 
adjustment to civilian conditions is creating a large 
task for social workers. Most of them, in August, when the 
prisoners in France were not yet set free, arrived from Eng- 
land at Cologne, at the rate of about six thousand daily. 
From here they were sent to demobilization camps provided 
along the Rhine where their final dismissal usually takes 
place after three days. In addition to demobilization pay 
of M.50 (worth less than $5), each man receives wages and 
board for 56 days, and clothes and shoes in case of need. 
In five thousand towns and cities committees for the recep- 
tion of the men have been organized which endeavor to find 
employment for them or, failing in this, extend such relief 
as may be necessary, the national government participating 
to the maximum extent of M.300 per man. Each case is 
considered on its merits by an executive consisting of two 
officials and three prisoners of war. In Berlin preparations 
have been made for the reception of 35,000 prisoners. 

THE H. C. OF L. 

THE high cost of living keeps looming up in unexpected 
places. Readers of the Survey are asked to send in 
straws that show the way the wind is blowing. 
Here is one calculated to break the camel's back. On 
enry street, in lower New York, stands an old church 
ere, according to tradition, Boss Tweed scratched his name 
w s an east side boy. Heretofore visitors have been welcome 
at 25 cents per person. Today this sign stares the newcomer 
in the face: 

This Church 

contains the only remaining 



Admission $1.00 



AFTER many threats, Uncle Sam last month made up 
his mind to send away every unemployed man to find 
a job for himself as best he could. On October 10, 
the last remaining public employment bureaus under the 
Department of Labor closed their doors because Congress 
failed to provide for them. George W. Kirchwey, former 
warden of Sing Sing, who has directed the New York office 
of the service during the period of demobilization, com- 
mented on this event as follows: 

This means that in all but nine states every government employ- 
ment agency will close, and there are only nine states nearly adequate 
to keep up the service by their state employment organization. They 
are: New York, New Jersey, California, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, 
Massachusetts, Ohio and Pennsylvania. The importance of the ser- 
vice can be seen by the fact that the half dozen offices of the service 
in New York place an average of three thousand people a week, of 
whom five to eight hundred are returned soldiers and sailors. 

It is worth noting that several states and cities, relying on 
the federal employment service which, they felt sure, would 
become permanent, deliberately refrained during the war 

from developing their own employment bureaus, and that 
some — a notable case is that of New York city — have actu- 
ally scrapped those they had. There is now pending in 
Congress the Kenyon-Nolan bill for the establishment of a 
permanent employment service. In the uncertain industrial 
situation of these days, it is dangerous to put up the shutters 
of the public employment offices even for a short time; but 
apart from this, all past experience has proved that efficiency 
in this service can only be reached through long continuity, 
enabling the establishment of connections with employers 
which make calls for help through the public agency habitual 
and the training of officers through daily experience with the 
specific industrial conditions of each locality. The backers 
of the bill mentioned, therefore, demand not only the utmost 
haste in getting it passed but also that the financial provision 
shall be sufficient to guarantee permanency and gradual de- 
velopment of the service. 


IN discussing the minimum wage it is sometimes asked 
why the provisions of the wage decrees entered by the 
Massachusetts commission are so much below those of 
some of the other states. As a matter of fact its last decree 
in the candy industry of $12.50, as compared with $13.20 
in the state of Washington and $13.50 in the factories and 
canneries of California, shows a difference of only seventy 
cents in one case and of one dollar in the other. Washington 
may also widen the difference, as the Industrial Commission 
is considering an upward revision of rates early in Novem- 
ber to help meet the increased cost of living. Of course the 
Massachusetts decree of $12.50 is far below that of $16.50 
for retail store workers in the District of Columbia. In 
Washington, D. C, as nowhere else, the Minimum Wage 
Commission, without if's, and's or but's, has adopted a 
minimum that meets the cost of living, even with today's 
high prices. 

The real situation, then, is that Massachusetts is trailing 
the other states rather closely in her new decrees. She has 
not revamped her earlier ones because her power to do so 
is limited. She can change them only on the petition of the 
employer or of the workers. The latter have petitioned in 
the industries of women's clothing and men's clothing and 
raincoats, and the former wage boards are reconvening to 
revise the rates of $8.75 and $9 weekly. 

The crescendo of the wage decrees in Massachusetts is as 

S 8.00 in 1915 
8.50 " 1916 
8.75 " 1917 
9.00 " 1918 (winter) 
10.00 " 1918 (summer) 
11.00 " 1919 
12.50 " 1920 (effective January 1.) 

The Massachusetts commission might have followed even 
more closely the decrees of other states but for certain .pro- 
visions of the minimum wage law. First, its decrees are not 
mandatory. Second, the wage boards in the different occu- 
pations determine the rates which the commission has the 
power to enter or reject, but not to modify, and the wage 
boards are instructed by the law to consider not simply the 
needs of the women workers, but the financial condition of 
the industry, and the effect on the industry of any increase 
in the minimum wages paid. This is the reason why a 
number of the boards have recommended wage determina- 
tions considerably less than their cost of living estimate, 
from sums varying from twenty-three cents a week to $1.64, 
but roughly averaging about $1. The boards established 
in the spring of 1919 for the canning and preserving occu- 
pation and for the candy-making occupation, found that 
these respective industries could stand the minimum based 
on the cost of living as found by the boards, and accordingly 
recommended minimum rates of $11 and $12.50 respectively. 




DESPITE the closing of the Training School for Com- 
munity Workers in New York, reported in our columns 
last week, the demand for trained workers in com- 
munity centers and like organizations continues and new 
schools and courses to train such workers are springing up 
here and there. Thus the Department of Extension Teaching 
of Columbia University, in order to give students an oppor- 
tunity to try themselves out in girls' recreational work, has 
arranged for an abridged, experimental course during the 
holiday season, December 22 to January 3. This course, given 
in cooperation with the National League of Women Workers, 
will briefly cover all phases of the work; and students who 
see a future in specializing in it will have the opportunity 
of joining a longer recreational course at Teachers College 
in the spring. 


PHILANTHROPIC organizations frequently face the 
charge that they are unwilling to cease work when the 
need for their functioning has been withdrawn. Inter- 
esting then is new evidence of the determination of the New 
York Milk Committee to run itself out of existence by edu- 
cating the public to the means of reducing infant mortality 
and then pulling out, so that its own usefulness as a propa- 
ganda committee will eventually terminate. 

The committee will on January 1 turn over its prenatal 
work to agencies developed for permanent activity in that 
direction. It has demonstrated the need of prenatal care. 
Through experiment it has shown that while nearly two- 
thirds of the infants born yearly of the 150,000 expectant 
mothers in New York city die at birth or during the first 
month, the figure can be reduced. It has assisted in the 
organization of the Maternity Center Association to coordi- 
nate all the agencies in the city doing prenatal work and to 
standardize their methods. It therefore draws out of the 

Seven years ago after arousing the public to the bad 
quality of the city milk supply, after educating the city 
fathers as to the possibilities of saving babies on a large 
scale by establishing municipal milk stations, and after wit- 
nessing the opening of fifty-five city milk stations, the com- 
mittee went out of the milk station business. In a two-year 
experiment at Homer, New York, it demonstrated to pro- 
ducers that clean wholesome milk could be produced and 
sold at a price equal to milk of uncertain quality. It brought 
into being the National Commission on Milk Standards 
whose program has been adopted by New York state and New 




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BirtW InvxjKi 
DIE. 4.7 43.4 35Z SO 


2-3 3-4 4-5 5-6 6-7 7-8 8-9 9-10 IQ-II 11-12 

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York city as well as by countries in various parts of the 
world. It witnessed the reduction of the infant mortality 
rate in New York city from 135.8 in the period 1906-1910 
to 91.7 in 1918, and of infants who survive the first month 
from 95 in 1906-10 to 54.6 in 1918. 

But having done that much the committee was still cog- 
nizant of the fact that its work with standardized milk only 
began after two-thirds of the infants who were going to die 
during the first year were already dead, for the prenatal work 
carried on proved that one-third of these babies were born 
dead and one-third died during the first month, leaving only 
one-third for the milk stations to reach. 

In the districts in which experiments in prenatal work 
have been tried out there has been brought about a reduction 
of 69 per cent in maternal deaths, 22 per cent in still-births 
and 28 per cent in deaths of infants under one month, in 
comparison with other districts of the city. 

Not endowed to carry on this work the New York Milk 
Committee now turns it over to the proper functionary. It 
will continue to push vigorously the work of the National 
Commission on Milk Standards and probably carry on an 
intensive propaganda of the value of milk as food. It is 
safe to predict however that in the light of present develop- 
ments the New York Milk Committee will, within a few 
years, cease to function. 



Hatlbmal Deaths 



Still BiQTns 

PPCtWUCASES 36. ^^ , 

DEATns UriDCG I Harm 






What an American County Can Do 
By Winthrop D. Lane 


WHEN the voters of Westchester county, New 
York, reelected V. Everit Macy their commis- 
sioner of charities and corrections on November 
4 they added a chapter to an absorbing political 
story. More important than that, perhaps, they testified 
their faith in the possibility of making public service in that 
most backward unit of the American political system — the 
county — both resourceful and effective. 

For two terms, or six years, Mr. Macy had held this posi- 
tion. At the end of his first term the Survey reviewed the 
causes that induced this man of wealth and prominence not 
only to withdraw from many of his philanthropic activities 
but also to resign from a score of private business connec- 
tions in order that he might run for the position of superin- 
tendent of the poor — the name was not changed to commis- 
sioner of charities and corrections until the beginning of 
his second term. It recalled at that time his desire to see 
whether the office could not be made useful in revealing 
some of the causes, as well as the effects, of poverty and 
distress and in affording data for social legislation. These 
motives were not understood by the politicians of the coun- 
ty; they wondered why Mr. Macy should seek so obscure a 
post. Opponents ridiculed the idea of having "a rich man 
in the poor-house" and used Mr. Macy's wealth as an argu- 
ment to prove that he could have no sympathy with the 
misery and difficulties of those seeking charitable assistance. 
Nevertheless, he was nominated by the Democrats and Pro- 
gressives and won the election by defeating the party that 
had always held Westchester county in its grip, the Repub- 
licans. Three years later he was the choice of all three par- 
ties. This year the Democrats nominated another man and 
Mr. Macy found himself, therefore, the candidate solely of 
the very party that had so bitterly opposed him in his first 
campaign. Newspapers that refused to sell him advertising 
space six years earlier urged his election editorially. Not 
even the Democrats were united against him; one candidate 
of that party actually withdrew when he learned that Mr. 
Macy intended to run again. Thus he not only turned polit- 
ical opinion in his favor but made a demonstration of service 
that won the support of the voters generally. His reason for 
desiring a third term was that the war had delayed some of 
the measures that he had planned to carry out, and also that 
by acting as chairman of the Shipbuilding Labor Adjust- 
ment Board he had necessarily been absent from his duties 
much of the time. 

The Survey also summed up, at the end of his first term, 
the achievements of those three years [November 4, 1916, 
page 101]. It told how Mr. Macy, taking advantage of the 
county's desire for better accommodations for its charges, 
helped to secure appropriations of nearly two million dol- 
lars for a new almshouse, a new hospital and a new peni- 
tentiary, each to be constructed with special reference to the 
uses for which the buildings were to be put and the needs 
of the occupants. It described the heritage of inefficiency 
and graft that Mr. Macy found when he took office, and the 
thoroughness with which he replaced these with modern 
methods of social service. It related the astonishment of 
many people in the county when he actually proposed to 

investigate all applications for the commitment of childrea 
to institutions and to employ the methods of constructive 
family relief in an effort to keep children with their parents. 
It described the revolution in outdoor relief — as adminis- 
tered by a county agent — involved in his policy of making 
cash payments to mothers in their homes, with its resultant 
conservation of family life. It mentioned the large staff of 
trained social workers that he gathered about him, much to 
the improvement of technique and the education of the 
county. Finally, it pointed out that, unusual as all this was 
in the office of a county superintendent of the poor, in reality 
it represented only the type of service that any county could 
achieve, once the intelligence of its citizens was aroused te 
the fact that such service met a real need and that, far from 
constituting an extravagance, it more than paid for itself in 
the long run. 

For the Childhood's Sake 

It is the purpose of this article to review briefly some of 
the measures by which Mr. Macy and his co-workers have 
still further raised the level of public relief activities in 
Westchester county. One of the most serviceable depart- 
ments built up during the past three years is the Department 
of Child Welfare. Under the able administration of its 
director, Ruth Taylor, this department has put into effect the 
best methods of private child-placing or children's aid so- 
cieties. Its guiding principle is that families must be kept 
together whenever possible. It avoids committing children 
to institutions when the resources of relatives, friends and 
private societies can be organized so as to make this unnec- 
essary, and it persistently seeks to remove from institutions 
children for whom family homes can be found. It has tried 
to educate the people of the county to see that a family can 
be kept together much more easily in the first place than it 
can be put together after it has once been separated. So 
effective has been its work that last year, for the first time 
since comparative statistics became available, the number 
of children supported away from their homes at public ex- 
pense decreased, although that was the year of the influenza 
epidemic with its resultant increase in dependency. The 
department has also organized a group of private boarding 
homes which, although the number of these is not yet as 
large as it would like to have, it uses in preference to insti- 
tutional care when good homes are available. 

Perhaps the most interesting of the department's activities 
is its granting of relief in the home in the form of "mothers' 
allowances." The theory underlying these allowances is 
substantially the same as that underlying provision for pen- 
sions to widows — that children are the state's most valuable 
asset; that the state's duty, as well as its selfish interest, is 
to see that all of them secure whatever is needful for their 
growth into useful and healthy adult life, adult life that will 
"pay dividends;" that if financial aid is needed, the state's 
duty is to provide that; and that as a business proposition 
homes can perform this service better than any substitute. 
The department is not operating under New York state's 
widows' pension law. By agreement with the proper county 
authorities, no money has ever been appropriated for carry- 






ing out the provisions of this law — although the machinery 
for expending the money has been created — and the need 
which the law was intended to meet has purposely been left 
to the department. The department does not apply the same 
tests to a family that would be applied under the provisions 
of the law; for example, a mother need not be a widow in 
order to secure its allowances. If she is deprived of the 
support of the normal bread-winner of the family for any 
convincing cause and has a child or children under sixteen, 
she is eligible to consideration. The department's aim is to 
aid women who are good mothers for their children and who 
can bring their children up better than they would be brought 
up in available institutions; more than one-fourth of the 
families receiving mothers' allowances would not be eligible 
for pensions under the law as it stands. The authority for 
issuing these allowances is contained in the special law cre- 
ating a commissionership for Westchester county and in 
regulations of the county board of supervisors. 

The department's procedure in granting allowances is as 
follows: It investigates as thoroughly and sympathetically 
as it can any family coming to its attention where there 
seems to be a good mother. If the indications are that she 
will bring her children up well for the community, it then 
tries to develop all possible resources within the family, as 
well as to organize the aid of outsiders interested in it, to the 
end that there shall be no unnecessary use of public funds 
which might deprive other families needing relief. It seeks 
the sympathetic aid of relatives, friends, past and present 
employers, private societies, interested private citizens and 
the church. After all this has been done it does not attempt 
to determine by mere guess what amount of money the family 
needs to maintain itself. As a good friend to the mother, it 
plans for the family's progress toward improved conditions 
and eventual self-support. Therefore, by the use of a budget 
prepared by specialists in food values and the purchasing 
power of money, it works out a careful estimate of the exact 
amount needed for proper physical surroundings, nourish- 
ing food, decent clothing and other necessaries. Into this 
estimate go rent, the food needs of people of the age and sex 
of the members of the family, the cost of clothing necessary 
for them, and the cost of fuel and light; the estimate is 
based upon current prices and is revised — generally upward 
these days — as prices change. Finally, the difference be- 
tween the needed income and the amount of money the fam- 
ily can furnish through its own efforts, plus what can be 
secured from private sources, supplies the department with 
its idea of the amount of money needed from public sources 
to enable the family to maintain itself adequately. 

Mrs. Johnson's "Allowance" 

The case of Mrs. Johnson will illustrate this method. Mrs. 
Johnson's husband had been a skilled workman, used to a 
good standard of living. His sudden death left her with 
four little girls, aged seven, five, three and one. All that 
she could be expected to contribute toward their support was 
a little light laundry work, which she did in odd moments 
at home and which brought in an average of about $2 a 
week. Inquiry among her own and her husband's relatives 
produced one, the woman's sister, who was willing to give 
$5 a month regularly to help Mrs. Johnson out. The church 
also promised $5 a month. Mr. Johnson's former employer, 
who was concerned over the welfare of the children, agreed 
to send his check for $15 each month. These proved to be 
all the resources that could be developed. The department 
then worked out its statement of what the family would need 

to maintain itself in physical health. The comparison looked 
like this: 

Estimated Monthly Budget 

Expenditures : 

Rent .'$15.00 

Food 37.38 

Clothing 10.97 

Fuel (2 stoves in winter) 7.90 

Light 1.00 

Sundries (soap, carfares, cleaning supplies, 

household goods, etc.) 2.50 


Mother's earnings $ 8.00 

Sister's contribution 5.00 

Church 5.00 

Man's employer 15.00 





A mother's allowance of $42 a month was granted io Mrs. 
Johnson. The department's comments upon this case show 
the nature of its follow-up work: 

Careful attention has been given to make sure that the plan as 
made is really working successfully. Constant adjustments are re- 
quired to make the estimate correct. As the children grow older 
their expenses increase. If the mother is ill and unable to work the 
family income diminishes; as the children grow older and she can 
work more it increases. If the employer grows weary of contributing, 
if the church forgets them, or if the sister's other responsibilities grow 
too heavy, help must come quickly or the children will be under- 
nourished. The agent who befriends Mrs. Johnson is constantly on 
guard against these possibilities. 

The department emphasizes its stand for "adequate relief) 
if relief at all." It believes that the public's money "should 1 
not be wastefully or extravagantly spent, but that it is ob- 
vious and unjustifiable waste to give a family just enough 
to starve it slowly or to break down its health and make all 
its members dependents." Under a rule of the board of 
supervisors, the maximum that it can give to a family is $3.50 
per child per week, although it tries to supplement the 
allowance from private funds whenever the maximum is not 
enough. It believes that if its work with families is well 
done, children can be supported with their own mothers in 
this way at a lower cost than is possible through any other 
form of relief. In 1918, the monthly averages of the amount 
paid per week per child in the form of mothers' allowances 
ranged from $1.91 to $2.25; this did not include the expense 
of investigation, supervision and follow-up. During the 
same year the average rate for institutional care ranged from 
$3.04 to $3.95; this also did not include the expense of in- 
vestigation and supervision. Although it is impossible to 
estimate the number of children that would be placed in 
institutions if the mothers' allowance plan did not exist, and 
therefore no accurate comparison of the costs of the two 
plans can be made, it is likely that, in view of the excellent 
standard of the department's work with families, the allow- 
ance plan is advantageous to the county from a purely 
financial viewpoint. 

The power to grant this relief is not without a check. The 
supervisor in the town where a family has poor law settle- 
ment can hold the allowance up. This restriction was made 
at the request of Mr. Macy himself, who did not want the 
local authorities to feel that they were being deprived of a 
voice in the care of their fellow townspeople. In practice, 
however, the overseer seldom dissents from the action of the 



The following statement shows the extent of the mothers' 
allowance work for 1918: -,.,, . 

Children under 
Families 16 years 

Number receiving allowances Dec. 31, 1917 132 475 

Number granted allowance during the year 59 194 

Total 191 669 

Number discontinued during year 19 62 

Number receiving allowances Dec. 31, 1918 172 593 1 

1 14 children dropped from the table because becoming 16 years of age. 

It will be noticed that allowances to nineteen families were 
discontinued. Three mothers remarried and in one family 
the father returned; there were ten, in all, in which the in- 
come of the family became sufficient, in the opinion of the 
department, to warrant the discontinuance. Of the remaining 
nine, four mothers were deemed to have become incompetent, 
three died, one became intemperate and one immoral. When 
the mothers died, the department became responsible directly 
for the care of the children. In cases of incompetence, in- 
temperance and the like, the view of the department is that 
it is justified in continuing the allowance only so long as the 
children are receiving adequate benefits from it; in aggra- 
vated instances, the department sometimes tries by court 
action to remove the children from the mother. 

What is the future of this mothers' allowance work in 
Westchester county? To this question the department an- 
swers that it does not know. Says Miss Taylor in her annual 
report for 1918: 

Possibly some form of social insurance will come that will make 
unnecessary the granting of these funds. Eventually the prevention 

kof the death of many of the fathers will relieve the situation. [Out 
of 175 families of widows aided during the year the death of the hus- 
band in fifty-five cases was due to pulmonary tuberculosis.] In West- 
chester county in the near future, unless further epidemics abnormally 
increasing the death-rate occur, the rapid increase in the number of 
families applying for allowances will come to an end. An average 
will be obtained and thereafter the amount of aid to be expended 
annually in this way will be estimated fairly accurately. For the 
present, however, until we grow wiser in the prevention of dependency, 
it would seem that this measure, administered with all possible care 
and with both the interests of the taxpayer and of the needy family 
in mind, is the wisest step that can be taken to conserve both our 
citizenship in the next generation and the funds that will then be 
required to care for dependents. 

The Psychiatric Clinic 

Perhaps the most unique contribution to the technique of 
constructive relief that Westchester county has made during 
Mr. Macy's administration is its use of a psychiatric clinic to 
enable it to achieve maximum benefits for those who need 
help. Such clinics are no longer a novelty in connection with 
courts and penal institutions. Their importance has not been 
so widely recognized, however, in dealing with persons seek- 
ing relief. The conviction underlying the use of the West- 
chester clinic is that relief, to be efficacious, must be based 
upon intimate and dependable knowledge of the special 
needs of the person seeking it. "Without such knowledge," 
writes Bernard Glueck, the clinic's consulting psychiatrist 
during its first year, "charity runs the danger of missing its 
real intent." The sufferer back of economic dependency, 
like the individual back of a criminal act, must be known, 
his constitutional make-up must be understood. For that 
reason he must be studied by an institution whose function 
it is to gather this information scientifically. Not only does 
the psychiatric clinic delineate the various disabilities that 
are responsible for social distress, but it also endeavors to 
point out desirable qualities that promise readjustment. 

The Department of Child Welfare makes practical daily 
use of the clinic's findings. In its mothers' allowance work 
it aims, so far as the time of the clinic's staff allows, to have 

thorough examinations made of the children in those fam- 
, ilies where particular difficulty, either mental or physical, 
is suggested. In this way the mother is advised as to the 
proper diet for her children, hospital or dispensary care is 
secured for them as needed, the reason for their retardation 
in school is discovered, their progress under the allowance 
is studied. The clinic examination is of great value in help- 
ing the department to plan what is best for children who 
have been supported away from their families for long 
periods of time, especially where little is known of their 
early life or environment. Sometimes physical defects are 
found that have long escaped detection by others and that 
have a direct bearing upon the kind and duration of relief. 
For example, a lad of ten who was a very troublesome char- 
acter and had spent a year in an institution for juvenile 
delinquents was found to be suffering from the pressure of a 
bone on his brain resulting from an early accident; an oper- 
ation was immediately necessary; without this, it is probable 
that no amount of effort would have changed his habits. 
Sometimes, too, feeblemindedness is discovered where hith- 
erto unsuspected, and sometimes children who have been 
thought to be feebleminded are found to be merely in need 
of a radical and stimulating change of environment. The 
clinic has been of great value, also, in showing the practical 
need for mothers' allowances. An examination of forty-two 
children taken at random from families accepted for such 
allowances showed that twenty-three were definitely under- 
nourished and on the way to physical breakdown. In other 
ways the clinic has been of great assistance, not only in 
demonstrating the need of relief but in pointing out the kind 
that would prove most beneficial. The county penitentiary 
has used the services of the clinic in an effort to provide a 
greater degree of individual treatment than would otherwise 
have been possible. 

A Pioneering Prison 

It IS a far cry from such work as we have described to the 
institutional care of the offender. Nevertheless, this is one 
of the functions performed by the commissioner of charities 
and corrections in Westchester county. Here, too, experi- 
ment has found a foothold. Indeed, the very operation of a 
prison is a new business for the county. Prior to April, 
1917, all prisoners were maintained in New York city penal 
institutions. In that month, however, the new penitentiary 
and workhouse at East View opened its doors with more than 
150 inmates. Mr. Macy had chosen as warden Calvin Der- 
rick, formerly superintendent of the state reformatory at 
lone, Calif., and later associated with Thomas Mott Osborne 
at Sing Sing. Mr. Derrick was a believer in limited self- 
government for prisoners. Mr. Macy supported him, on the 
theory that only through the exercise of group control can 
prisoners be expected to acquire that art of living in concert 
with others that is indispensable to normal life in the com- 
munity. Mr. Derrick therefore lost no time in organizing 
the machinery for self-government among the prisoners. 

This machinery took the form of an Effort League. The 
initiative in developing the powers and responsibilities of 
this league was placed in the hands of the prisoners them- 
selves, the warden only insisting that each new privilege 
should be accompanied by the assumption of a correspond- 
ing responsibility. In the beginning the inmates' court had 
no punitive powers. When an offender was brought before 
it, all that it could do was to argue with him and to try to 
persuade him to better his conduct. This was found to be 
wholly unsatisfactory; the court needed authority to enforce 
its judgments. The league judge, therefore, was directed 



to draw up a penal code, enlarging the powers of the court 
and prescribing the scope of its jurisdiction. The effect of 
this was to place in the hands of the inmates a large measure 
of responsibility for discipline. 

The prison building was taken over by the government 
for use as a barracks in connection with a hospital nearby 
during the war, and although it has again been opened as a 
prison within the past two months it is only getting under 
way after a year's disuse, so that first-hand investigation of 
its activities was impossible when this article was written. 
Interesting indications of its work, however, are contained 
in the reports of its wardens. Warden Warren McClellan, 
who succeeded Mr. Derrick Avhen the latter became director 
of education and parole in New Jersey, thus describes the 
effect of the self-government plan referred to above: 

The past year in the Westchester County Penitentiary and Work- 
house has been a noteworthy one in respect to the high standard of 
discipline reached and maintained. And this standard has been 
apparent in the orderly behavior of the men, the freedom from dis- 
orders, the increasing desire on their part to be trusted and to prove 
worthy of such trust, and their willingness to cooperate to win the 

confidence of the officials At the beginning of the year the matter 

of discipline was practically all in the hands of the institution offi- 
cials. They were wholly responsible for the maintenance of good 
order and the proper behavior of the inmate population. In many 
cases the results were not all that were to be desired. How to handle 
some of the problems arising was a question not always easy of solu- 
tion without resorting to the older and harsher methods, which we 
would not under any circumstances consider. After many official 
conferences, and having in mind the growing influence of the Effort 
League and its possibilities for good, we determined to grant to the 
inmates the opportunity for governing themselves by assuming some 
of these disciplinary responsibilities. At first in a limited way, then, 
as our confidence increased, in larger measure. We found this method 
most successful. Minor cases were referred to the Inmates' Court, 
and as time went on more important matters, until practically all com- 
plaints, both inmate and official, were handed over to this court, 
where they were handled in a most judicial and satisfactory manner, 
not only to the official force but also to the offending inmates. In 
this way our disciplinary problems were reduced to a minimum, and 
we had very few cases where it was necessary in any way to take 
matters into our own hands. 

The league apparently justified itself in other ways. In 
the beginning the dining room was wholly under the super- 
vision of officers. At the request of the league these were 
withdrawn and inmate officials took their places. The stand- 
ard of order and of gentlemanly conduct that resulted, de- 
clares Warden McClellan, "is difficult for one accustomed to 
the old methods to comprehend." Another request from 
the men was that they be permitted to go out to the recrea- 
tion field under their own officers — to some minds a bold 
step. Warden McClellan writes of it: 

After the first week or two, the plan was no longer an experiment — 
it was a success. Not only did the members of the cabinet, whose 
duties thus became more exacting, take up this new responsibility 
with enthusiasm, but every man felt a pride in the situation, a satis- 
faction in being trusted to walk out with only his fellows, and to 
spend an afternoon on the field with no officers anywhere about. Not 
a single instance occurred where there was the slightest disorder that 
was not promptly suppressed, not a single effort was made to effect 
an escape, and the improvement in the general conduct of the men 
and the absence of profane and improper language was marked. There 
was behind these things the league spirit; the realization that the 
acts of one man iffected every other man; that each man must do 
his bit or all would suffer. 

Not only in its intra-mural activities did the prison seem 
to set a high standard of service. It realized that the most 
important moment in the life of an offender is not when the 
prison door closes behind him, but when it opens to set him 
free. The customary practice of American prisons of send- 
ing a man forth with five dollars or ten dollars in his pocket, 
without a job, and with a suit of clothes on his back that 
every detective and policeman in the land can recognize a 
block away as the parting gift of a penal institution, is little 

short of a direct invitation to him to return. The West- 
chester county penitentiary had a different conception of its 
duty. While its men were in prison it studied them with a 
view to learning their capabilities and desires, their home 
conditions and the prospects before them at departure. For 
this work it had the assistance of the psychiatric clinic men- 
tioned. Its parole and employment agents thereupon sought 
work for men about to be discharged and enlisted the cooper- 
ation of their families and others in their welfare. If neces- 
sary, the agent accompanied a man to his place of Avork and 
arranged for a boarding place for him until his wages made 
complete independence possible. Married men were re- 
united to their families, new homes in other parts of the 
county were found for men who desired a change of envir- 
onment, and in one instance the prison was responsible for 
getting a man's children out of an institution and having his 
wife and children waiting for him in a new residence when 
he came out. During the eight months of 1917 that the 
prison was in operation, eighty-diree men were placed in 
jobs and were working at the end of the year. Not always 
were such efforts appreciated and not always did the pris- 
oners report for work as they had agreed to do. But the 
successes, in the short time that the prison was open, were 
frequent enough to induce the officials to believe that such 
methods were feasible. Warden McClellan has recommended 
that both the Effort League and the parole and employment 
work be speedily resumed. 

Such are some of the activities that have been carried out 
in Westchester county. As already stated, not all of this 
work has been supported at public expense. Mr. Macy has 
believed that the surest way to win approval for intelligent 
service is to demonstrate the practicability of that servi 
and for this reason he has himself financed portions of tl 
work and has secured support from other private sources 
within the county. That he has already educated many peo 
pie to a sense of the value of much that has been accom 
plished is indicated by the fact that although only two chil- 
dren's agents were employed when he assumed office, today 
the county is paying the salaries of ten agents in this depart- 
ment alone. He has endeavored also to insure permanence 
for the work by laying a broad foundation of popular under- 
standing and approval. He has encouraged the county board 
of supervisors to acquiesce in many of his measures by per- 
suading them that the credit for these would revert to the 
board itself. He and his deputy commissioner, Herbert A. 
Brown, who has conducted the office during much of Mr. 
Macy's enforced absence, have also encouraged the forma- 
tion of local committees of women, nurses and others inter- 
ested in various aspects of the commissioner's work to take 
an active part in supplementing that work at points where 
the restrictions of law compel Mr. Macy to stop. Then, too, 
there has been a deliberate policy of inviting inspection and 
even complaint; Mr. Brown is always ready to see any visi- 
tor who has a question to ask or a suggestion to make. The 
annual reports of the commissioner have sought to discuss 
the work with a simplicity and detail that would carry under- 
standing throughout the county. All of this has brought 
returns. It is no secret that when the Republican conven- 
tion met a few months ago women delegates were there in 
force to demand the nomination of Mr. Macy if the party 
leaders were not disposed to grant it. They did grant it and 
the voters stamped their action with approval by continuing 
in office the man and the staff that in one American county 
at least have raised public social work to perhaps the highest 
level of efficiency and service that it has yet reached. 

snt i 

:es f 


The National Budget 

By Joseph P. Chamberlain 




WO important forward steps have been taken in the 
movement for a national budget. The bill introduced 
in the House of Representatives by James W. Good, 
chairman of the committee of appropriations, was 
favorably reported to the House by the select committee ap- 
pointed to study the question of the budget. The select 
committee was composed of leading Democratic and Repub- 
lican congressmen, so the bill entered Congress not as a 
partisan measure but as a reform endorsed by men of both 
parties. The bill has been passed by the House with only 
three dissenting votes. Its character as a nonpartisan meas- 
ure is thus further emphasized and the next step, its consid- 
eration by the Senate, made easier by its separation from 
party politics. 

Under the existing system of making appropriations, esti- 
mates are submitted by each bureau chief to the head of his 
department as a basis for the departmental appropriation. 
The head of the department then goes over these estimates 
and, with an eye to the interest of the department as a whole 
and to the probable amount which Congress will appropriate, 
makes up a departmental estimate which must be furnished 
to the secretary of the treasury by the fifteenth of October. 
The secretary then binds the estimates together and transmits 
them to Congress without consideration by the President, the 
head of the government, of the relative importance of the 
different items, or the possibility of scaling down the requests 
of the various departments. No one is responsible for mak- 
ing the revenues balance the total expenses, or for assuming 
e unpleasant task of recommending an increase in taxes to 
meet the increase in expenditure. The secretary of the treas- 
ury also prepares and sends to Congress a statement of the 
revenues of the government. The estimates of the revenues 
are submitted to the committee on ways and means of the 
House of Representatives, and the estimates for the different 
departments are divided up for consideration among different 
committees of the House, so that even the poor pretense at 
unity contained in the book of estimate submitted by the sec- 
retary is promptly lost. 

The Good plan, embodied in the bill and a resolution 
amending the rules of the House of Representatives, changes 
this confusion into an orderly system. The bill requires the 
President to present annually a budget to Congress which 
will be a plan of national expenditure and revenue for the 
ensuing year, thus putting in the chief executive branch of 
the government the responsibility for initiating financial pro- 

It is evident that the President cannot be made in fact 
responsible for estimates unless he is provided with a means 
of checking up the requests made by different bureaus and 
departments with their actual needs and of determining 
whether there is waste and extravagance or overlapping of 
functions in different bureaus which can be remedied without 
injury to the operation of the governmental machine. The 
Good bill provides for a budget staff, directly responsible to 
the President, who shall act for him in preparing the budget. 
This staff should prove a most efficient organization for the 
improvement of the methods of administration, since it will 
have a definite duty and responsibility to the President, that 
of recommending economies in the departments, the abolition 
of unnecessary or overlapping activities, the standardization 
of salaries and of work, which will enable him to reduce the 

requests for appropriations where possible and will give him 
the information to support his budget before the people and 
in Congress. 

The machinery of government in Washington is so vast 
and the present procedure in the different departments and 
bureaus so varied, that a period of years must elapse before 
it can be well systematized and reorganized; but no sugges- 
tion has ever been made of a method of reorganization and 
systematization as effective as the bureau of the budget, work- 
ing constantly and with a definite object in view, under the 
obligation of producing results every year, and with the as- 
surance of continued existence. 

The Good bill also creates an accounting department under 
a comptroller general of the United States, who shall be 
appointed by the President and Senate and v.ho can only be 
removed by a concurrent resolution of Congress. At present 
the duty of audit and control of the funds of the United States 
is vested in the comptroller of the treasury and in six audi- 
tors, one for each of the important departments and one for 
the rest of the government, who are subordinate to him. The 
auditing system of the government is therefore under the 
control of an officer himself subject to the head of one of the 
great departments of the government, a department which has 
become one of the largest spending departments through the 
Bureau of War Risks Insurance and the immense expansion 
of the Internal Revenue due to the income and excess profits 
taxes, an expansion to which the prohibition amendment will 
probably contribute. The audit and control of governmental 
expenses will by the Good bill be transferred from the sub- 
ordinate officer of one of the departments to an independent 
official whose responsibility will be direct to Congress. The 
position of the comptroller as an aid of Congress in deter- 
mining whether the government's money has been spent as the 
law requires is further emphasized by a section specially di- 
recting him to make not only a general report to Congress but 
such special report as either house or any committee may 
direct. He or his assistants may work directly with any leg- 
islative committee which is endeavoring to improve the 
accounting or administrative systems of the government. The 
comptroller will have accurate and full information through 
the accounts of the different departments as to the way in 
which they were spending the money appropriated for them. 
He will be a most efficient aid to the committees of Congress 
in pointing out extravagance, duplication and inefficiency. 

One of the important results of a budget system and the 
independent comptroller will be a standardization of the 
system of accounts in the national government. The comp- 
troller, under the direction of the secretary of the treasury, 
has the authority of prescribing "the forms of keeping an:! 
rendering of public accounts, except those relating to the 
postal revenues and expenditures therefrom." The Good bill 
continues this power in the comptroller, except that it "shall 
be exercised without direction from any other officer." At 
present the accounts are kept under different systems in dif- 
ferent bureaus and departments. The comptroller as an in- 
dependent officer, acting in close relation with Congress and 
in consultation with the bureau of the budget, should reor- 
ganize and standardize the systems of accounting so as greatly 
to facilitate the work of determining relative efficiency in the 
departments and bureaus, and also to make far easier the 
work of the appropriating committee and of the President 
himself in preparing the budget. 




The resolution accompanying the bill fixes the responsibility 
for the appropriations on a single committee in Congress and 
takes away from all other committees their authority over 
appropriations. When the President's budget is presented to 
the House, that part of it which relates to expenditures will 
go to this one committee and will be under their control. 
That part of the budget which deals with revenue will go to 
the Committee on Ways and Means, so that these two com- 
mittees, by working together, can preserve that check on 
expenditure which is involved in providing the means for 
paying the bill. 

The Good bill does not establish an administrative budget. 
The responsibility of Congress under the Constitution as the 
legislative body to fix the amounts of the annual appropria- 
tions is preserved, so that the Appropriations Committee may 
increase as well as decrease any item presented by the Presi- 
dent or the total of his budget. In doing so, however, it must 
assume a clear responsibility before the country, a respon- 
sibility which will be greatly increased by the fact that the 
President, through his budget staff, will be able to present to 
Congress definite material prepared by an organization in- 
dependent of the departments upon which his estimates are 

The present "pork barrel" method of considering rivers 
and harbors and public building expenditures will not be 
made impossible by this bill, if it becomes law, but it will be 
rendered much harder for individual congressmen to get 
public money spent on improvements in their districts in the 
face of a plan of expenditure prepared by the President with 
the aid of the experienced officers of the administration, a 
plan which must be changed by a single committee of the 
House, who will, therefore, bear the responsibility for the 
changes made. To prevent Congress from increasing items 
in, or adding items to, the President's budget would be to 
give the President a control over the legislative machinery 
which is not in harmony with our system of government, since 
the determination of the policies of the nation, which in- 
cludes determination of the amount of money which shall 
be spent to forward those policies, belongs in the legislature. 

The House of Representatives has not yet approved the 

Good plan as a whole. It has passed the bill making the 
necessary changes in the Executive Department, but it has 
not yet adopted the resolution modifying the rules of the 
House. Of course the resolution cannot be put into effect 
until the bill is approved by the Senate and the President, so 
that the House has time to act on the resolution which will 
take effect by its action alone, but it would have made a bet- 
ter issue had the House shown its willingness to reorganize 
its own committees. 

The responsibility for the next step is in the Senate. The 
special Senate committee on the budget was appointed during 
the summer and is now studying the subject. A bill 
introduced early in the summer by Senator McCormick, 
chairman of that committee, authorized the secretary of the 
treasury to prepare a budget. It is possible that the Senate 
will adopt this bill. The resolution modifying the 
committee procedure in the House is a House resolution alone 
and another resolution must be prepared to accomplish a 
similar result in the Senate. With the peace treaty and the 
League of Nations debate still on in the Senate, it is unlikely 
that any budget bill will receive much consideration in the 
Senate until that body reassembles in December. 

The Good bill is not a model budget law, but it is a prac- 
tical adaptation of the idea of the budget to conditions in 
Washington and should be approved by friends of govern- 
mental reform, as well as by those whose special interest is 
the budget. Readers of the Survey, interested as they are in 
improvement in social conditions, realize that a great increase 
in the cost of government, owing to its taking on new func 
tions and to the extension of its existing functions, is prob 
able. They must also realize that the amounts now raised b ( 
taxation in state and country are so large that an economica' 
and efficient administration of the present resources of the 
government is necessary if money is to be found to meet the 
new needs. Whether or not, therefore, they are interested in 
reducing taxes, they should support a measure like this which, 
by the limitation of unnecessary expense, will set free money 
which can be used for purposes which they have at heart and 
which will promote responsibility in officials and efficiency 
in the governmental machine. 


On Behalf of Vierzy 

By the Boy's Mother 

[Contributions received by the Survey in response to the following 
appeal will be forwarded through the American Committee for Devas- 
tated France, of which Myron T. Herrick is president, Anne Morgan 
vice president and Mrs. A. M. Dike, commissioner in France. — Editor.] 

ON July 21, 1918, a battery of American field artil- 
lery belonging to the Second Division was at Mont 
Ramboeuf farm, near the village of Vierzy, a few 
miles south of Soissons. It was the fourth day of 
the great drive that marked the beginning of victory. It 
had been a hard day for this particular regiment of artillery. 
Their gallant infantry partners, the Fifth and Sixth Marines, 
had had such terrible losses during the first diree days that 
they had been withdrawn the night before and a brigade of 
French colonials had taken their place. The liaison was not 
yet working smoothly, and the Germans were defending the 
fortified position of Tigny with unexpected vigor. The com- 
manding officer of C battery had been killed early that morn- 
ing during the advance, and his successor was a boy of 
twenty-one, who had been at the front four months and was 
to win his fourth citation that day and a croix de guerre. His 
first citation was for an incident which had occurred at 
Verdun on April 24, when in the official language "he rushed 

from his dug-out into a heavy shell-fire to rescue a seriously 
wounded French machine gunner." The citation accompany- 
ing the croix de guerre reads: "July 21, 1918, near Vierzy, 
he was killed while aiding a wounded driver of his section 
under a violent bombardment." Under a rain of high ex- 
plosives, C battery buried its dead at Mont Ramboeuf farm 
and set up the little white crosses that told their name and 
rank and regiment. A few verses were read from a Bible, 
and the tide of battle rolled on. 

Months later when the boy's mother had learned these 
things, bit by bit, from letters and from those who had come 
home, she felt that she must establish some kind of touch 
with that spot in devastated France where he and his com- 
rades lay. So she wrote a letter and sent it out like a wire- 
less call into the unknown. She addressed it to the owner 
of Mont Ramboeuf Farm near Vierzy, Aisne, and told the 
story of C battery on July 21, asking if the crosses were still 
standing and the names legible. She did not know the 
owner's name, or whether he was prince or peasant, literate 
or illiterate. She did not know whether it was inhabited or 
a mass of ruins. She was uneasy for fear the hastily made 
graves might be eglected or even obliterated. But she had 



great faith in the tenderness of France, and she said so. 

It seemed like a miracle when the answer came and com- 
munication was really established. Mont Ramboeuf was in- 
habited. Its owner was a woman who had lost a son of her 
own on the field of battle, without even the poor consolation 
of knowing his resting place. She was carefully looking 
after the American graves which she had found on her return 
to Mont Ramboeuf. She herself kept flowers on them, 
thinking always of her own boy as well as of these strangers 
who had died so far from home. The crosses were intact 
and the inscriptions clear. 

Other letters followed, strengthening the ties of gratitude 
and sympathy between the French mother and the American 
mother. Then one day came a letter which ended with this 

Our ruins are not being rebuilt fast. We still live in the midst of a 
devastated country. It is heart-breaking. The working people are in 
the greatest misery. Without houses, without furniture, without garden 

produce, these poor people are living in wretched hovels. They are 
full of courage, but how unfortunate. I have thought that you, 
Madame, who must surely have influential connections in your great 
America, could perhaps come to the aid of our poor little village of 
five hundred inhabitants by getting one of your large cities to adopt 
this unhappy district of Vierzy, Aisne, so shattered by the war. It 
would be a fine act of charity from your America, so good and so 
devoted, to her sister-in-arms — France, so sorely tried, so devastated. 

What was to be done? Alas, she had no relations haut 
placees — certainly none with those whose means permitted 
large-scale benefactions. What the boy's mother herself 
could do was insignificant. Yet here was a call for help 
which could not be ignored. In a sense it is her call only. 
In another sense it is a call to all the tens of thousands whose 
boys sleep in French soil. In still another sense it is a call 
for a thank-offering to the happy millions whose boys are 
safely home. So, with the permission of the editor of the 
Survey, she is sending out a second wireless message, this 
time on behalf of Vierzy. And she has faith in the generosity 
of America. 

The American Experiment' 

By A. Mitchell Palmer 


AMERICANS who have close to their hearts the pre- 
servation of our liberties under the forms fashioned 
by the wisdom of the fathers have felt much concern 
of late by reason of the activities of certain classes 
f aliens who have taken up residence in this country. How 
r the alien agitator shall be permitted to advance his men- 
acing propaganda amongst a people of whom he has made 
himself a part only to further his designs against our institu- 
tions and laws is one of the most serious questions arising out 
of the unprecedented conditions following an unprecedented 

We have been a hospitable people. We have opened the 
-doors of this land of splendid opportunity to practically all 
who have sought to enter. We have been anxious to share 
our freedom with the world. Our whole history has logically 
developed in our people a sincere interest in the aspirations 
of oppressed peoples everywhere in the world. Who is there 
amongst us who does not trace his own ancestry back to some 
man who came to America not merely because it was a land 
of limitless opportunity, but also to escape from conditions 
which restrained liberty, suppressed initiative and denied 
opportunity for that improvement in individual condition 
which is the longing of every human heart? In the begin- 
ning, the strip of land along the eastern coast from Massa- 
chusetts Bay to Georgia was peopled by courageous, freedom- 
loving men and women who found here all the real essentials 
of life which were denied them across the seas. In later 
times, by reason of the open generosity of the government, 
the almost boundless stretches of the west were covered by 
the homes of men who became owners of the soil — a cause 
and effect never dreamed of in the old world, where the land 
was only for those classes who had held it through the cen- 
turies. The new land owners thus found themselves import- 
ant factors in the life of the great republic under a plan which 
was consciously designed to make one great, homogeneous 
people out of a population gathered from every corner of the 
globe. No regret is anywhere expressed for this broadminded 
and far-sighted policy. No lingering doubt anywhere remains 
as to its wisdom or its entire success. It is the policy which 
was largely responsible for our country's rapid growth into 

1 An address delivered at Lafayette College. 


greatness and power. It is the policy which naturally made 
us sympathetic with the aspirations of the masses of the peo- 
ple in every nation when they sought to emulate the freedom 
which their fellows had come to enjoy here. It has been the 
working out of that policy also which has made us give glad 
welcome to all who came here for purposes similar to those 
which actuated our fathers in seeking homes on the American 
continent. We would not reverse that policy if we could. 
But just to the degree that we have been generously and un- 
selfishly hospitable, we naturally resent the abuse of that 

Through many generations of successful experiment with 
the problems of free government we have learned to have 
confidence in the ability of a popular government such as 
ours to adequately solve in the American way all other prob- 
lems which new conditions may present to us. There is noth- 
ing in our experience which has taught us to believe that any 
other than the American method can be quite so efficacious. 
Reforms of the most radical nature have been actively urged 
upon our people in many trying periods in the life of the 
republic. Many of them have been tried and discarded; many 
others have justified themselves and have become by orderly 
processes recognized features of our institutions. We have 
but to pause a moment to compare the details of our forms 
of government in nation and state with those which prevailed 
when the Constitution was adopted by the states to realize 
the progress of radical thought and action in America. We 
need only recall the features of our industrial structure be- 
fore the Civil War and compare the inadequate operation of 
our political machinery in days even more recent to assure 
ourselves that changes, reforms and improvements have been 
wrought in response to popular will under the general forms 
of the government here established in a way which makes 
certain that further modifications of our political and indus- 
trial structure are certain to follow well-considered and just 
demands. Many can come only through peaceful and orderly 
methods. We had our revolution at the beginning. Since 
then it has been evolution. We shall tolerate no revolution 
in the future; we shall gladly work with all earnest men to 
guide the processes of logical evolution. 

In other parts of the world men have had the same genu- 



ine desire for fuller liberty and more abundant opportunity 
which has stirred the hearts of men here. The difference is 
that in those countries the desire has been rigorously sup- 
pressed. In many of them it has remained almost inarticulate 
through all the centuries. This long continued repression 
brought the inevitable explosion; the people resorted to force 
to bring a new day in government and industry — a day whose 
dawn did not at first break bright and clear. The result has 
been far from the hopes of those responsible for the new con- 
ditions, but it may be that time and a return to something like 
orderly processes, coupled with an apparent sympathetic 
understanding on the part of a larger mass of the people, 
will eventually bring peace and happiness and a very much 
larger share of freedom to the peoples of the old world. 

The mistake which seems to have been made by many who 
have come here recently from other parts of the world, and 
who have not yet breathed deeply the spirit of our institu- 
tions, is this : They affect to believe that the general movement 
for better conditions of life in other parts of the world must 
have its counterpart in method in this newer world. i They 
refuse to see the stupendous advance which has been made in 
that movement here during the last century by men of larger 
minds and broader visions who preceded them to this land 
for the very purpose. It is difficult for us to give credit for 
sincerity to many of the ultra-radical class-war agitators, who 
seek the short and rough road built by force when they have 
at hand the smoother, though possibly longer, route which 
we know so well because we have traveled it so often. It is 
perfectly clear that some of them are honestly mistaken; it 
is equally clear that many of them are mere self-seekers who 
would exploit some of their unthinking fellows for their own 
benefit. All of them, however, so far as they advocate the 
use of forcible methods, are on the wrong road. They will 
accomplish nothing except delay in the solution of the prob- 
lems which we earnestly hope and confidently expect to solve 
aright in the American way, without special privilege for an)' 
class, with exact justice for all classes. 

We cannot back-track on the policy hallowed by more than 
a century of usefulness. We cannot be less willing now than 
we have always been that the oppressed of every clime shall 
find here a refuge from trouble, disorder and distress. But 

we can insist with more emphasis than we have employed 
heretofore that those who come to our shores shall come in 
the right spirit and with the right purpose; that those who 
remain shall stay with the intent to become Americans in 
every sense. The ingenuity of man has made the Atlantic 
Ocean a mere ditch between the continents. It is spanned 
almost instantaneously by the flying words of men, while 
ships that carry human freight sail above and beneath, as 
well as upon, its swelling surface. New inventions will make 
it narrower still. But it must always be wide enough to per- 
mit the immigrant, as he crosses it, to rid himself for all 
time of all the misconceptions of government with which the 
old conditions filled his mind. He must let the spreading 
light from the figure which beckons to him from Bedloe's 
Island shine only upon a countenance which will look for- 
ever to the West; he must learn to master the lesson of democ- 
racy under the conditions in which democracy has thrived; 
he must not attempt to learn it by the rules he has left behind. 
He must realize that his revolution has been fought and won 
when he sets his foot on American soil. His time for the use 
of force is then behind him; his time for the use of intelli- 
gence has come. Those who will not come here in this spirit, 
those who will not seek to promptly learn what democracy 
means, those who imagine that a government of the people 
is no different from the rule of kings under a bogus claim 
of divine right, should go back to fight their battles where 
their foe is real. 

Not all the disorder in the country is created by the alien 
element, but it is all created by an element that is un-Amer- 
ican. Real Americans understand that popular government 
is organized self-restraint in the common interest. Law and 
order are essential to improvement; the law must be re- 
spected and order must be maintained if progress is ex- 
pected. I would not halt for a single moment any move- 
ment designed by its promoters to bring better conditions to 
any portion of our people, but I would use all the power of 
the people's government to make certain that such a move- 
ment shall be conducted in the peaceful and orderly way 
provided by the people for the accomplishment of all reform. 
That method will avail; it may be slower than force, but it 
will be safer and its result will be more enduring. 


Reassurance from the Supreme Court 

By Kate Holladay Claghorn 

THROUGH the murky atmosphere of sedition-hunting 
now settling down all over the country, the recent 
dissenting opinion of Justice Holmes and Justice 
Brandeis of the United States Supreme Court in the 
case of Abrams et al. comes as a fresh breath of reassurrance 
to the plain citizen who has been reared in the old traditions 
of free speech and free thought, that perhaps the present 
reversion to European methods of inquisitorial procedure 
is not as necessary as its promoters are trying to persuade us 
that it is. 

The case will be remembered rather for the publicity it 
has received than for its importance to the public safety. 
It was naturally of the greatest importance to the accused 
persons, as all have been subjected to the hardships of police 
inquisition, of imprisonment, and have finally, by the decis- 
ion of the higher court, been sentenced to long terms of 
imprisonment — twenty years for the three men still living 
— for one man died in prison before the case came to trial 
— and fifteen years for the woman. 

To the plain citizen, prison sentences of fifteen and twenty 

years would seem rather disproportionate penalties for the 
offence with which they were charged — the scattering of 
leaflets urging non-intervention in Russia. 

But perhaps the plain citizen has no right to an opinion 
in legal matters. We are apt to conclude, in our general 
reliance on the justice of our laws and courts that a decision 
rendered by a court has all the presumptions in its favor. 
So Justice Holmes is doing us a valuable service in backinar 
up the layman's opinion with the weight of legal authority. 

Do the leaflets, as a matter of fact, attack this country's 
form of government? Even if they do not do so directly, 
have the authors the right to express themselves as they have, 
if such expressions may be considered to lead to the conse- 
quences punishable by the espionage act? Has the govern- 
ment the right to punish them? 

"Yes," says Justice Clark, handing down the majority 
opinion of the court. 

"No," says Justice Holmes, in dissent and Justice Brandeis 
agrees. Justice Clark quotes as follows from the circular: 



"The Russian Revolution cries: 'Workers of the World — 
Awake, Rise and Put down your enemy and mine.' Yes, 
friends there is only one enemy of the workers of the world 
and that is capitalism." "This" the court holds "is clearly 
an appeal to the 'workers' of this country to arise and put 
down by force the government of the United States." 

We wonder if the judge considered the possibility that 
in this pronouncement he might be giving comfort to those 
who claim that the government and capitalism are one and 
the same thing? 

As to the consequences of the acts alleged he says: "It 
will not do to say, as is now argued, that the only intent of 
these defendants was to prevent injury to the Russian cause. 
Men must be held to have intended and to be accountable 
for, the effects which their acts were likely to produce. . . . 
"The obvious effect of this appeal, . . . would be to persuade 
persons . . . not to aid government loans and not to work 
in ammunition factories." 

This principle of holding persons accountable for remote 
results of their actions is not in accordance with the spirit 
of our laws, and leads to dangerous results. What, under 

the above statement of it, is the rule for interpreting 
"likely"? Suppose that these circulars had embodied ex- 
tracts from the Declaration of Independence, and .suppose 
that somebody thought that these would inflame the minds 
of the ignorant to some sort of undesirable action? Suppose 
that idea had even penetrated into the sacred precincts of 
the court? Was not the general circulation of the Christian 
Scripture at one time forbidden for that very reason? And 
do we not know the results of that policy? 

Justice Holmes' decision, here reprinted in full, denies 
that the leaflets in any way attack the country's form of 
government, and with regard to the general principle of 
freedom of speech his pronouncement is along the lines of 
best Anglo-Saxon tradition and worthy of his long American 
descent. We need to have pointed out again and again that 
the only excuse for punishment for the expression of thought 
is that such expression "produces or is intended to produce 
a clear and imminent danger that it will bring about forth- 
with certain substantive evils that the government constitu- 
tionally may seek to prevent." 

So much for the facts in the case. Turning from the head- 

THIS indictment is founded wholly upon the publication 
of two leaflets which I shall describe in a moment. 
The first count charges a conspiracy pending the war 
with Germany to publish abusive language about the form 
of government of the United States, laying the preparation 
and publishing of the first leaflet as overt acts. The second 
count charges a conspiracy pending the war to publish lan- 
guage intended to bring the form of government into con- 
tempt, laying the preparation and publishing of the two 
leaflets as overt acts. The third count alleges a conspiracy 
to encourage resistance to the United States in the same war 
ind to attempt to effectuate the purpose by publishing the 
same leaflets. The fourth count lays a conspiracy to incite 
curtailment of production of things necessary to the prosecu- 
tion of the war and to attempt to accomplish it by publishing 
the second leaflet to which I have referred. 

The first of these leaflets says that the President's cowardly 
silence about the intervention in Russia reveals the hypocrisy 
of the plutocratic gang in Washington. It intimates that 
'German militarism combined with allied capitalism to crush 
the Russian revolution' — goes on that the tyrants of the world 
fight each other until they see a common enemy — working 
class enlightenment, when they combine to crush it; and 
that now militarism and capitalism combined, though not 
openly, to crush the Russian revolution. It says that there is 
only one enemy of the workers of the world and that is 
capitalism; that it is a crime for workers of America, &c, 
to fight the workers' republic of Russia, and ends 'Awake! 
Awake, you workers of the world! Revolutionists.' A note 
adds 'It is absurd to call us pro-German. We hate and despise 
German militarism more than do you hypocritical tyrants. 
We have more reason for denouncing German militarism than 
has the coward of the White House.' 

The other leaflet, headed 'Workers — Wake Up,' with abusive 
language says that America together with the Allies will 
march for Russia to help the Czecko-Slovaks in their struggle 
against the Bolsheviki, and that this time the hypocrites shall 
not fool the Russian emigrants and friends of Russia in 
America. It tells the Russian emigrants that they now must 
spit in the face of the false military propaganda by which 
their sympathy and help to the prosecution of the war have 
been called forth and says that with the money they have lent 
or are going to lend 'they will make bullets not only for the 
Germans but also for the worker Soviets of Russia,' and 
further, 'Workers in the ammunition factories, you are pro- 
ducing bullets, bayonets, cannon to murder not only the Ger- 
mans, but also your dearest, best, who are in Russia fighting 
for freedom.' It then appeals to the same Russian emigrants 
at some length not to consent to the 'inquisitionary expedi- 
tion in Russia,' and says that the destruction of the Russian 
revolution is 'the politics of the march on Russia.' The leaflet 
winds up by saying 'Workers, our reply to this barbaric in- 
tervention has to be a general strike!', and after a few words 
on the spirit of revolution, exhortations not to be afraid, and 
some usual tall talk ends 'Woe unto those who will be in the 
way of progress. Let solidarity live! The Rebels.' 

No argument seems to me necessary to show that these pro- 
nunciamantos in no way attack the form of government of the 


Justice Bn 

United States, or that they do not support either of the first 
two counts. What little I have to say about the third count 
may be postponed until I have considered the fourth. With 
regard to that it seems too plain to be denied that the sug- 
gestion to workers in the ammunition factories that they are 
producing bullets to murder their dearest, and the further 
advocacy of a general strike, both in the second leaflet, do 
urge curtailment of production of things necessary to the 
prosecution of the war within the meaning of the Act of 
May 16, 1918, c. 75, 40 Stat. 553, amending §3 of the earlier 
Act of 1917. But to make the conduct criminal that statute 
requires that it should be 'with intent by such curtailment 
to cripple or hinder the United States in the prosecution of 
the war.' It seems to me that no such intent is proved. 

I am aware of course that the word intent as vaguely used 
in ordinary legal discussion means no more than knowledge 
at the time of the act that the consequences said to be in- 
tended will ensue. Even less than that will satisfy the gen- 
eral principle of civil and criminal liability. A man may 
have to pay damages, may be sent to prison, at common law 
might be hanged, if at the time of his act he knew facts from 
which common experience showed that the consequences would 
follow, whether he individually could foresee them or not. 
But, when words are used exactly, a deed is not done with 
intent to produce a consequence unless that consequence is 
the aim of the deed. It may be obvious, and obvious to the 
actor, that the consequence will follow, and he may be liable 
for it even if he regrets it, but he does not do the act with 
intent to produce it unless the aim to produce it is the 
proximate motive of the specific act, although there may be 
some deeper motive behind. 

It seems to me that this statute must be taken to use its 
words in a strict and accurate sense. They would be absurd 
in any other. A patriot might think that we were wasting 
money on aeroplanes, or making mere cannon of a certain 
kind than we needed, and might advocate curtailment with 
success, yet even if it turned out that the curtailment hindered 
and was thought by other minds to have been obviously likely 
to hinder the United States in the prosecution of the war, 
no one would hold such conduct a crime. I admit that my 
illustration does not answer all that might be said but it 
is enough to show what I think and to let me pass to a more 
important aspect of the case. I refer to the First Amendment 
to the Constitution that Congress shall make no law abridging 
the freedom of speech. 

I never have seen any reason to doubt that the questions 
of law that alone were before this Court in the cases of 
Schenck, Frohwerk and Debs, 249 U. S. 47; 121; 129, were 
rightly decided. I do not doubt for a moment that by the 
same reasoning that would justify punishing persuasion to 
murder, the United States constitutionally may punish speech 
that produces or is intended to produce a clear and imminent 
danger that it will bring about forthwith certain substantive 
evils that the United State3 constitutionally may seek to pr«- 



lines in the newspapers referring to the decision, in some 
such terms as "the conviction of dangerous radicals," to the 
evidence on which they were convicted, and seeing how in- 
direct is the connection between the actual thing done and 
the harmful thing the law is intended to protect against, and 
being confirmed in our opinion by two justices of the su- 
preme court, should we not draw a moral and learn a lesson 
applicable to other raids and prosecutions? Should we 
not stop and think each time that the newspapers announce 
a new conspiracy or a new plot, that perhaps there is as 
slender a basis of fact for it as there was in this case, and 
not only be relieved in mind ourselves, but be absolved from 
the supposed necessity of beating and imprisoning fellow- 
beings as dangerous animals. 

There is a deeper reason than this, however, for preserv- 
ing our ancient rights of free speech and free discussion, 
which is very well put in Justice Holmes' decision, where he 
refers to the necessity of basing principles of action upon 

It is just because we are living in troublous times, when 

the experience of the past is throwing so little light on the 
present, when that experience may be so variously inter- 
preted, when the complexity and extent of human affairs 
has gone beyond anything ever known in the past, and some- 
times, in moments of doubt and perplexity, we think beyond 
the powers of the human mind to grasp and direct them, 
that we need all the freedom of thought, all the clearing of 
vision that comes in the give and take ef free discussion to 
enable us to run our affairs even half-way well. This is the 
worst time of all to settle down into some stiff orthodoxy, 
against which nothing may be murmured lest, according to 
the majority decision of the court in this case, some evil effect 
may be the result. Evil is sure to follow if we do not think 
and talk and discuss, with all the courage and sincerity there 

is in us. 

Meanwhile, three men and one woman are going to spend 
fifteen and twenty years of their lives in prison for a matter 
about which supreme court judges disagree. Is this not a 
case for executive clemency? Who can fear that the country 
would be endangered by their pardon? 


' incurring 


vent. The power undoubtedly is greater in time of war than 
in time of peace because war opens dangers that do not exist 
at other times. 

But as against dangers peculiar to war, as against others, 
the principle of the right to free speech is always the same. 
It is only the present danger of immediate evil or an intent 
to bring it about that warrants Congress in setting a limit to 
the expression of opinion where private rights are not con- 
cerned. Congress certainly cannot forbid all effort to change 
the mind of the country. Now nobody can suppose that the 
surreptitious publishing of a silly leaflet by an unknown man, 
without more, would present any immediate danger that its 
opinions would hinder the success of the government arms 
or have any appreciable tendency to do so. Publishing those 
opinions for the very purpose of obstructing however, might 
indicate a greater danger and at any rate would have the 
quality of an attempt. So I assume that the second leaflet 
if published for the purposes alleged in the fourth count 
might be punishable. But it seems pretty clear to me that 
nothing less than that would bring these papers within the 
scope of this law. An actual intent in the sense that I have 
explained is necessary to constitute an attempt, where a fur- 
ther act of the same individual is required to complete the 
substantive crime, for reasons given in Swift & Co. v. United 
States, 196 U. S. 375, 396. It is necessary where the success 
of the attempt depends upon others because if that intent 
is not present the actor's aim may be accomplished without 
bringing about the evils sought to be checked. An intent to 
prevent interference with the revolution in Russia might have 
been satisfied without any hindrance to carrying on the war 
in which we were engaged. 

I do not see how anyone can find the intent required by the 
statute in any of the defendant's words. The second leaflet 
is the only one that affords even a foundation for the charge, 
and there, without invoking the hatred of German militarism 
expressed in the former one, it is evident from the beginning 
to the end that the only object of the paper is to help Russia 
and stop American intervention there against the popular 
government — not 10 impede the United States in the war that 
it was carrying on. To say that two phrases taken literally 
might import a suggestion of conduct that would have inter- 
ference with the war as an indirect and probably undesired 
effect seems to me by no means enough to show an attempt 
to produce that effect. 

I return for a moment to the third count. That charges an 
intent to provoke resistance to the United States in its war 
with Germany. Taking the clause in the statute that deals 
with that in connection with the other elaborate provisions 
of the Act, I think that resistance to the United States means 
some forcible act of opposition to some proceeding of the 
United States in pursuance of the war. I think the intent must 
be the specific intent that I have described and for the rea- 
sons that I have given I think that no such intent was proved 

or existed in fact. I also think that there is no hint at re- 
sistance to the United States as I construe the phrase. 

In this case sentences of twenty years imprisonment have 
been imposed for the publishing of two leaflets that I believe 
the defendants had as much right to publish as the Govern- 
ment has to publsih the Constitution of the United States 
now vainly invoked by them. Even if I am technically wrong 
and enough can be squeezed from these poor and puny anno- 
nymites to turn the color of legal litmus paper; I will add, 
even if what I think the necessary intent were shown; the 
most nominal punishment seems to me all that possibly could 
be inflicted, unless the defendants are to be made to suffer 
not for what the indictment alleges but for the creed that they 
avow — a creed that I believe to be the creed of ignorance and 
immaturity when honestly held, as I see no reason to doubt 
that it was held here, but which, although made the subject 
of examination at the trial, no one has a right even to con- 
sider in dealing with the charges before the Court. 

Persecution for the expression of opinions seems to me 
perfectly logical. If you have no doubt of your premises or 
your power and want a certain result with all your heart you 
naturally express your wishes in law and sweep away all 
opposition. To allow opposition by speech seems to indicate 
that you think the speech impotent, as when a man says that 
he has squared the circle, or that you do not care whole heart- 
edly for the result, or that you doubt either your power or 
your premises. But when men have realized that time has 
upset many fighting faiths, they may come to believe even 
more than they believe the very foundations of their own con- 
duct that the ultimate good desired is better reached by free 
trade in ideas — that the best test of truth is the power of the 
thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the 
market, and that truth is the only ground upon which their 
wishes safely can be carried out. That at any rate is the 
theory of our Constitution. It is an experiment, as all life 
is an experiment. Every year if not every day we have to 
wager our salvation upon some prophecy based upon imper- 
fect knowledge. While that experiment is part of our system 
I think that we should be eternally vigilant against attempts 
to check the expression of opinions that we loathe and believe 
to be fraught with death, unless they so imminently threaten 
immediate interference with the lawful and pressing pur- 
poses of the lav/ that an immediate check is required to save 
the country. I wholly disagree with the argument of the 
Government that the First Amendment left the common law 
as to seditious libel in force. History seems to me against 
the notion. I had conceived that the United States through 
many years had shown its repentance for the Sedition Act of 
1798, by repaying fines that it imposed. Only the emergency 
that makes it immediately dangerous to leave the correction 
of evil counsels to time warrants making any exception to the 
sweeping command, 'Congress shall make no law abridging 
the freedom of speech.' Of course I am speaking only of 
expressions of opinion and exhortations, which were all that 
were uttered here, but I regret that I cannot put into more 
impressive words my belief that in their conviction upon this 
indictment the defendants were deprived of their rights under 
the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Justice Brandeis concurs with the foregoing opinion. 


The Goal Strike 

By William L. Chenery 

THERE are two ways of considering the coal strike. 
One consists in scrutinizing the episodes in the sharp 
struggle between the United Mine Workers, the coal 
operators of the central competitive field, and the 
attorney-general of the United States. That is the obvious 
and immediate method. Another route to understanding 
lies in giving attention to the conditions in the bituminous 
industry. Less obvious and less direct, this latter approach 
is the surer road to a clear and unprejudiced reckoning of 
the realities of an industrial conflict which veered so near 
the edge of political rebellion. 

The United Mine Workers made three important demands 
of the coal operators. They asked for the six-hour day, the 
five-day week, and a 60 per cent increase in wages. These 
at first glance are radical demands. The six-hour day and 
the five-day week obtain in no other industry. The eight-hour 
day, recently won by the miners, is being gradually and gen- 
erally secured in most industrial nations. The six-hour day, 
however, has hitherto chiefly been advocated by Lord Lever- 
shulme, a millionaire soap manufacturer now visiting this 
country. In some of his British factories the six-hour day 
has been tried. Lord Levershulme regards it both as profit- 
able from the productive point of view and socially desir- 
able. But with that exception and too with the exception of 
a the garment workers who discussed it as a measure to reduce 


Oct. 6, 1917 — Operators and miners sign wage agreement 
for the duration of the war. 

Oct. 24, 1918 — Fuel Administrator Garfield refuses wage in- 
crease to bituminous miners. 

Sept. 22, 1919 — United Mine Workers' convention adopts de- 
mands for 30-hour week and 60 per cent in- 
crease, and instructs international officials to call 
a general strike of bituminous miners on No- 
vember 1, in case a satisfactory wage agreement 
is not secured before that date. 

Sept. 25, 1919 — Operators and miners meet in joint wage con- 

Oct. 24, 1919 — Joint wage conference disbands without agree- 

Nov. 1, 1919 — Strike of 425,000 bituminous miners begins. 

Nov. 1, 1919 — Indianapolis federal court on application of 
the Attorney General issues temporary order re- 
straining miners' officials from directing the 

Nov. 8, 1919 — Indianapolis federal court issues injunction 
ordering recall of strike order. 

Nov. 11, 1919 — Miners' officials recall strike order. 

Nov. 14, 1919 — Joint conferences between operators and min- 
ers reopen. 




AM authorized by the Secretary of Labor, Mr. Wilson, 
to say that the administration does not construe this bill 
as prohibiting strikes and peaceful picketing and will not so 
construe the bill, and that the Department of Justice does not 
so construe the bill and will not so construe the bill." 

Congressional Record 

65th Congress 

First Session, Page 5904 

unemployment, the six-hour day has had small place in the 
thoughts of labor leaders, of employers, or of social reform- 
ers. The five-day week has had even less advocacy. How 
then did it happen that the bituminous coal miners made de- 
mands apparently so exorbitant? 

The extravagance of asking for a 60 per cent increase in 
wages is in the popular mind not less astonishing. It seems 
very great. A percentage increase, small or large, however, 
is relative. It is necessary to know what the actual earnings 
of the coal miners now are before their demand for more, 
however much, can be denounced as unconscionable. If for 
example the present income of those who dig coal were 
greatly below the ascertained cost of living, a large advance 
would be justifiable. This, however, is not to say that the 
miners do get less than a living wage. That question as well 
as the six-hour day and the five-day week issues can be seen 
in perspective by regarding in a large way the essential cir- 
cumstances of the bituminous industry. In no other manner 
is it possible to envisage without passion the state of mind 
both among the miners and among the operators which led 
to the recent crisis. By no other means can unrest be per- 
manently allayed and stability established in this industry so 
fundamental to the welfare of the entire nation. 

Fortunately some of the vital facts are easily accessible. 
Various governmental agencies have gathered them. The 
accumulations of years of official research are available. 
Different branches of the federal government have knowledge 
which, had it been acted upon, might have precluded the 
possibility of a national strike in defiance of a presidential 
appeal and of the issuance of a subsequent injunction which 
was all but defied by the miners. It would, albeit, be as 
futile to blame the present administration or any or its im- 
mediate predecessors for failure to foresee the drift of the 
coal industry as it would be to attempt to muckrake the coal 
operators or the miners for the present conduct. Public 
opinion is so ingrained with our laissez faire tradition that 
in all probability it would not have sustained any president 
who might have essayed to organize the coal industry on the 
basis of the scientifically proved needs of the nation. Some- 
thing as challenging as the coal strike was in all likelihood 
required to bring about the mood which will support true 
statesmanship in this field. Culpability will belong to those 
who in the future refuse to take cognizance of a state of 
affairs which so lately threatened to paralyze the productive 
forces of the nation and which brought hundreds of thou- 
sands of workers into conflict with their government. 

Mining can scarcely be termed a pleasant vocation. But 
it is basic to civilization. Without the work of those who go 
into the bowels of the earth for coal America could sustain 
a social order probably not more complex than that attained 
by aboriginal inhabitants of this continent. Men must dig 
coal if modern civilization is to continue. There is no es°- 
cape. Hundreds of thousands must toil far below the earth's 
surface. Men must travel miles underground and work in 
dark isolation. Little of the poetry of life inheres in mining. 
A man cultivates the earth from the joy of seeing things grow. 
A shepherd tends sheep because of something in the human 
spirit which renders such an activity satisfying. Men go out 
in ships because of the irresistible lure of the sea. Others 




fashion things with their hands because of an instinct for 
craftsmanship which will not be denied. But the men who 
pass the sunlight hours in the far reaches of coal mines are 
not compensated by the delight of their work. Mining is 
frankly a part of the disagreeable essential work of mankind. 
There is of course other ugly toil which must be performed 
but high in the ranks of those occupations into which need 
rather than desire drives men, is coal digging. This is an 
important factor in understanding the thoughts of the miners. 

Coal mining again is one of the most dangerous of occu- 
pations. During the 48 years over which the bureau of 
mines has kept an accounting the coal mines have killed 
two-thirds as many Americans as did the great war. The 
actual numbers on the death list up to July, 1919, are 60,617. 
Despite the tremendous efforts put forth to prevent acci- 
dents 2,579 men were killed during 1913. In the bituminous 
mines alone 1,094 men were killed from January to August 
of this year. That also is important in gauging which is 
happening in the minds of the coal-diggers. Employed in 
one of the least attractive of the vocations of mankind, sub- 
jected to hazards which, measured over a long period of years 
approaches even the toll of war itself, it is not to be expected 
that coal miners will lag far behind in the worldwide demand 
of labor for leisure. Even the miners of Japan where indus- 
trial organization is as yet inchoate, have the eight-hour day. 
If coal miners are to lead normal human lives, if they are to 
have reasonable association with their fellows, if they are to 
be a part of a community on the earth's surface, if they are 
ever to see the sun, it is probable that they should have a 
shorter working day than men employed in other industries. 
At any rate such seems to have been the general assumption 
in the past, for commonly a reduction in working hours has 
first been extended to miners. 

But it would be a mistake to attribute the demands of the 
United Mine Workers for a six-hour day and a five-day week 
to these considerations alone. Except as they explain a state 
of mind which is ordinarily not uttered in words, the ardu- 
ousness, loneliness and danger of working underground 
might be ignored for the present. For as one of the mine 
leaders expressed it "the miners are contending for a longer, 
not a shorter, working day." That is, they think that their 
demand for a six-hour day and a five-day week will give 
them more work than they are accustomed to have. In theory 
the eight-hour day obtains in 90 per cent of the bitumin- 
ous mines. The actual working day is shorter. The miners 
assert that six hours work five days a week will really give 
them more work than they now have. For that reason they 
regard their demands as conservative requests for greater 

The hours and days worked by the miners have been reck- 
oned by the United States Geological Survey. Mine operators 
supply the data to state and federal mining agents. The in- 
formation is therefore not colored by any advocacy of the 
case of the miners. It is as impartial as the statisticians of 
the geological survey can render it. A typical report issued 
on November 8 last, contains relevant facts. The average 
number of days worked by the bituminous mines during re- 
cent years, it is announced, are as follows: 


















The figures, the geological survey points out, show "the 
maximum opportunity to labor offered to the men in the 
mines. They do not show the extent to which the average 
miner takes advantage of the opportunity to labor." In none 
of the years counted accordingly has a five-day working week 


As reported by all companies furnishing weekly reports to 
the Geological Survey on operating conditions. 


Ter cent ofTull 

T - Average hours oper- 

Week ended. 

time capacity 

ated per week on 
ba.sis of full time 
of 48 hours 


16, 1918 


r— 35.1 






















4, 1919 


































2 5.2 
















































































28.2 ' 














■r 6, 
































for period 

63.5 j.«r 

cent • 30.0 hours 

The second column is simply an average of the hours 
worked, weighted by size of the mines and expressed in per 
cent of full lime. 

While in some mines the working time is 54 hours, or even 
60 hours, in 1919 over 90 per cent of the miners have worked 
in mines with an established working time of 48 hours. 

*♦ j 

on the average ever been offered the bituminous miners. 

In the same report the geological survey has a pertinent 

statement concerning the six-hour day. It is as follows: 

In the fifty weeks from the armistice to October 25, 1919, the mines 
reporting to the geological survey worked on the average 62.5 per 
cent of full time. Expressed in terms of hours operated per week on 
a basis of a full time of forty-eight hours, they have operated on the 
average thirty hours. 

So far as the six-hour day and the five-day week are con- 
cerned therefore the miners seem to be asking for precisely 
what they got on the average during the eleven and a half 
months following the armistice. But this was an average. 
The work varied from week to week. On April 5 it sank to 
the lowest point. That week the men worked only 22.7 
hours, and from January 25 to July 12 they never had the 
opportunity to work as much as 30 hours a week. 




October 25, 1919 

". . . . it is apparent that such a strike in such circumstances 
would be the most far-reaching plan ever presented in this 
country to limit the facilities of production and distribution 
of a necessity of life and thus indirectly to restrict the pro- 
duction and distribution of all the necessaries of life. A 
strike under these circumstances is not only unjustifiable, it 
is unlawful. ... I can do nothing less than to say that the 
law will be enforced, and means will be found to protect the 
interests of the nation in any emergency that may arise out of 
this unhappy business." 

Other data supplied by the geological survey indicates that 
never within recent years has the opportunity to work been 
substantially greater. The largest number of days the bitu- 
minous mines have ever operated in any year since 1890 was 
attained in 1918. Then the incessant need for war produc- 
tion kept the mines open 249 days — less than five days a 
week. During 1914 the mines worked only 195 days and 
that was not the low spot in the period recorded. It is per- 
fectly clear accordingly that on the average a six-hour day 
and a five-day week is as long or longer than the mines have 
worked during any year for which information is available. 
The thirty-hour week is precisely what obtained from No- 
vember 11, 1918, to October 25, 1919. Radical as it may 
sound when put forth as a union demand it is nevertheless 
something greater than the current practice of the bituminous 

Light on the income actually received by the bituminous 
coal miners is thrown by the industrial survey lately made 
by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the Department of La- 
bor. Payrolls for a recent half month period were examined. 
The average earnings for the period was $49.04 for the men 
who worked in the mines. If they had been able to work 
full time they would have earned $76.36 during the half 
month. But they did not work full time and nothing in the 
history of the industry indicates that they are likely to have 
the opportunity for regular employment during forty-eight 
hours weekly. The income actually received during the time 
investigated would indicate an annual income of something 
around $1,200. Cost of living studies made by the National 
War Labor Board, by the Shipping Board and by the Bureau 

Bon't Be Stingy, Little Girl 

of Labor Statistics all go to show that $1,200 is less than is 
required to support a family of five at any defensible stand- 
ard. On the basis of facts now available it is plain therefore 
that the miners do need larger incomes if they are to maintain 
a wholesome standard of living. The amount of the increase 
needed depends on the level at which they are to live. If 
coal miners are to live at the so-called minimum of sub- 
sistence level, at the least at which it is possible to exist 
without charity, they require a moderate increase. If they 
are to support their families at the level generally maintained 
by skilled workers in the United States, much more will have 
to be given them. 


October 29, 1919 

THE proposed strike, if carried to its logical concluskm 
... would be a more deadly attack upon the life of the 
'nation than an invading army. 

"By enacting the Food and Fuel Control act, Congress has 
recognized the vital importance in the present circumstances 
of maintaining production and distribution of the necessaries 
of life, and has made it unlawful for any concerted action, 
agreement, or arrangement to be made by two or more persons 
to limit the facilities of transportation and production, or to 
restrict the supply and distribution of fuel, or to aid or abet 
the doing of any act having this purpose of effect. Making 
a strike effective under the circumstances which I have de- 
scribed amounts to such concerted action or arrangement. 

"It is the solemn duty of the Department of Justice to en- 
force this statute." 


These, then, are the conditions of the bituminous mines as 
reported by competent and impartial governmental bodies. 
The mines have been operated at not more than thirty hours 
a week over a long period of years and the miners now seem 
to be earning less than the minimum called for by any budget 
on which family life can be maintained in decency. These 
are the circumstances out of which their radical demands 
grew. But even granting that coal mining as a dangerous 
and uninspiring occupation should have shorter hours than 
is common, granting that the present demand for thirty 
hours a week is sanctioned by present practice, and granting 
that the income now obtained is less than the cost of living, 
the case cannot be regarded as settled. Why do the mines 
operate such short periods? Would it not be possible for 
longer weeks to be arranged so that even at the present wage 
rate the miners might get more nearly enough for healthful 
support? Does the income of the mines make possible higher 
wages ? 

Here again governmental agencies have assembled a mass 
of enlightening evidence. The bituminous coal industry is 
seasonal and competitive. It has many of the socially bad 
features which once were characteristic of the garment and 
laundry trades. The demand for bituminous coal is not 
constant. Days of intense production are followed by days 
of idleness. Months of heavy demands are interlarded with 
seasons of slight demand. Economically wasteful methods 
have grown up. Destructive conditions which are sometimes 
beyond the power of any employer or any group of employ- 
ers to remedy have been hallowed by time. The bituminous 
coal industry is sadly in want of economic statesmanship. 
Not until public opinion insists that it be reorganized to meet 
national needs, not until the federal government itself takes 
the lead in bringing stability to this industry on which the 
entire industrial order depends, can any permanent relief 
be expected. 




The miners demanded that the average working week of 
the months since the armistice be made the basis of produc- 
tion. Their leaders say that they desire in this way to dis- 
tribute the work throughout the year. By the method of a 
short working day and week they thus hope to achieve what 
so far the industry has failed to accomplish. They say that 
they want to regularize work, that they are seeking to stab- 
ilize their occupation. From many points of view this is a 
desirable object but in the past many in authority have held 
that it was not possible to attain. Coal mining, it is urged, 
is intrinsically, a seasonal industry. The need for coal is 
great at certain times and slight at others. It has been argued 
that the storage of bituminous coal from chemical causes is 
not practical. There must therefore, according to those who 
take this view, be intermittently days of work and days of 

The evil effects of intermittent work upon men are so great 
and the economic waste of vacillating production is so im- 
portant that the distribution of work throughout the year 
is plainly to be sought if it is feasible. It would probably 
make possible very great economies in the mines and it 
would certainly offer great savings to the railroads. The 
railroad administration points out that the irregularity of 
coal production produces recurrent periods of car shortages 
and surpluses. When cars are too few, production is handi- 
capped. This is the operators' constant plaint. Cars are 
too few for maximum demands. But when there is a surplus 
of idle cars, there is the heavy waste of invested capital which 
earns nothing. This waste is of course added to the cost of 
living in the form of increased railroad rates. Few accord- 
ingly challenge the desirability of making coal production 


October 30, 1919 

THE president's statement is a fiercely partisan document, 
because it attacks the intentions of the mine workers 
without even suggesting that the mine operators may 
have brought about this unhappy situation; and further be- 
cause threat is made to exercise the full force of the govern- 
ment to prevent a stoppage of work, without any correspond- 
ing threat to exert the full force of the government to enforce 
fair working conditions and a living wage. ... (It) threatens 
the mine workers with a sanctified peonage; demands that 
they perform involuntary service; proclaims a refusal to be 
a crime when no such crime exists. Nor can such a crime 
be defined under the Constitution." 

The chief causes of restricted and irregular production are 
car shortage, labor shortage and strikes, mine desirability, 
and the lack of a market. Of these in recent times car short- 
age has been by far the most important factor. For the week 
of October 18, according to the geological survey, bituminous 
coal production was 26.2 per cent less than what it might 
have been at full time. The lack of cars at the mines ac- 
counted 18.9 per cent; labor shortage and strikes explained 
3.2 per cent, mine disability 2.7 per cent, no markets 0.4 per 
cent and other causes 1 per cent. These causes differ in 
in portance wiLh the seasons. At times the lack of a market 
is the chief restrictive factor. Whatever the cause the con- 
dition continues. During 1918 when war made the heaviest 
demand for coal ever experienced in this country 615,505 
men were employed on the average 249 days in the bitumi- 
nous mines. It has been computed that if the industry had 
been so organized that full time employment was had the 

November 11, 1919 

ANNOUNCING the decision of the miners to yield t» Judge 
Anderson's demand that the strike be rescinded, Mr. 
Lewis said: 

"Gentlemen, we will comply with the mandate of the court. 
We do it under protest. We are Americans. We cannot fight 
our Government. That is all." 

same work might have been accomplished by possibly 
100,000 fewer men. The army of potential producers kept 
unemployed by the variation of the call for their services is 
a national loss of significance. From this point of view again 
the country is interested in seeing regularity of work estab- 
lished in the coal mines. 

Two difficulties are in the way. The one is die technical 
difficulty of storing coal. Governmental scientists say that 
this is not insuperable, not even particularly baffling. Bitu- 
minous coal does deteriorate in the air but practically all of 
it can be safely stored. The chemical problem, sometimes 
alleged to be the objection to the storage of bituminous coal, 
is not considered a serious handicap by the federal authori- 
ties. As a matter of fact bituminous coal shipped to the 
northwestern states through the Great Lakes is stored for 
long periods. This is also true of coal shipped to New 

But if on the whole coal can be stored without serious 
chemical deterioration, the bureau of mines' experts assert 
that it cannot be stored economically at the mines. The cost 
of rehandling as well as the lack of space preclude this. If 
bituminous coal is to be stored it must be at the distribution 
centers and by consumers. The operators cannot undertake 
this function in the present condition of the industry. Ordi- 
narily, however, there is no sufficient incentive to buy bitu- 
minous coal in advance and to store it. Many of those who 
have considered the industry from the national standpoint 
urge that such incentives should be created in order to dis- 
tribute the demand for coal throughout the year and so to 
regularize the industry. This could be done by establishing 
winter and summer freight rates and winter and summer 
coal prices. The price differential would, however, have to 
be large enough to offer a genuine inducement and, further- 
more, price fixing over considerable periods of time would 
have to be exercised. In effect, it is stated, this now occurs 
to a partial degree in the anthracite industry which is less 
highly competitive. 


November 9, 1919 

THERE never was in the minds of the Congress in enact- 
ing that law or in the mind of the president when he 
signed it, that the Lever Act would be applied to work- 
ers in cases of strikes or lockouts. . . . Every assurance from 
the highest authority of our government was given that the 
law would not be so applied. . . . 

"To testore the confidence in the institutions of our country 
and the respect due the courts, this injunction should be 
withdrawn and the records cleansed from so outrageous a 
proceeding. . . . 

"We pledge to the miners the full support of the American 
Federation of Labor and appeal to the workers and the citizen- 
ship of our country to give like endorsement and aid to the 
men engaged in this momentous struggle." 



Gale in Los Angeles Times 

The regularization of production, according to federal 
experts, offers thus no problem greater than that of inducing 
the public to buy coal steadily. That albeit does necessitate 
price-fixing which, in theory at any rate, has never been 
tolerated in this country except during war time. 

In their demand for a 60 per cent increase in wages, is 
expressed the miner's conviction that the prices obtained by 
the coal operators have been sufficiently high to make pos- 
sible large profits. The desire to share these supposed 
profits undoubtedly cooperated with the pressure exerted by 
the cost of living in the formulation of the 60 per cent 
demand. The Federal Trade Commission has especially 
germane information on this subject. Its study dealt with 
the southwest field of Pennsylvania but it is generally sig- 
nificant. During 1916 for example the production of bitu- 
minous coal cost $1.19 a ton. It was sold at the mine for 
$1.36 leaving a margin of 17 cents a ton out of which profits 
might come. Early in 1917 that margin quickly increased. 
In June it was $1.53 a ton. For all of 1917 it was $1.12 a 
ton. During 1918 it was $.60 a ton. The impression of the 
miners that the operators did make much larger profits dur- 
ing the war period appears thus to be buttressed by the facts. 
It might be said, however, and with justice that many of the 
mines were not doing a profitable business before the war 
and that many other inferior and therefore expensive mines 
had to be opened to meet the war emergency. The expressed 
view of federal authorities was that a larger profit must be 
accorded, some in order to stimulate mine owners to operate 
mines too poor for ordinary competition. The miners' 

grievance is that they, however, were accord :d no economic 

So far as the consumers are concerned the part of their 
dollar which goes to labor seems not to have increased 
relatively during the war. Out of every dollar paid for coal 
in 1916 in the territory reported on by the trade commission, 
60 cents went for labor cost. In 1917 this decreased to 39 
cents and during 1918 it was only 55 cents. The reason for 
this diminution was that the selling price advanced out of 
proportion to the increase in wages. All this is not to say 
that coal prices have been unduly high when compared with 
the general level of prices. They may well have been too 
low previously. But it does give substance to the miners' 
belief that they have not fared as well as did some of their 
employers during the war changes. 

Attempts, some successful attempts, have of course been 
made to regularize other variable industries. It used for 
example to be said that long hours were inherent in the 
laundry trade because of the insistence of the American 
family that clothes be returned on Saturday. That insistence 
has long since become a balked preference. The habits of 
coal buyers can likewise be changed if there is a sufficient 
motive. But it will never come about through laissez faire 
competition. Not until the government itself will permit 
long term price-fixing and the establishment of differential 
rates for the season and also apply the pressure of its pub- 
licity to persuading consumers to buy coal throughout the 
year will the bituminous mines offer steady work. 

But it should again in fairness be pointed out that when 

Copyright, 1919, New York Tribune 



the miners ask for an increased tonnage rate and a shorter 
week, they are looking for a steadier and a more adequate 
annual income and not for especially high wages at any one 
time. When the present Justice Brandeis of the Supreme 
Court was a Boston attorney he was influential in stabiliz- 
ing employment in one of the large shoe factories. The shoe 
industry too was seasonal. When it was analyzed the great 
mass of workers were shown to have repeated periods of 
idleness followed by times of exhausting overwork. Mr. 
Brandeis urged that every man kept on the payroll was en- 
titled to a full year's employment and to a full year's income. 
He urged that the managers of die factory should undertake 
to accomplish this. It was done and done under conditions 
perhaps as difficult as those which now disturb production 
in the bituminous mines. 

Compelling the Nation to Think 

Regardless of the acrimony of the present strife the United 
Mine Workers have performed a great service in compelling 
the nation to think of the economic status of the bituminous 
mines. It is demoralizing for the miners to work irregularly 
and it is wasteful for the operators, the railroads and for 
the consuming public. No national good eventuates from 
such a situation. In the negotiations which have been re- 
sumed at the invitation of the secretary of labor some solu- 
tion of the present controversy will undoubtedly be obtained. 
Every interest assures that. But it would be tragic if the 
opportunity to make a beginning at least of a permanent 
solution were lost. Wages high enough to enable miners to 
enjoy incomes actually commensurate with the cost of living 
even though they worked only twenty-two or -three hours a 

Donahey in Cleveland Plain Dealer 

Ellis in the New Majority 




week as they did for a time this year, is not a permanent nor 
an intelligent solution. Yet miners' wives and children must 
eat, must wear clothes, must be sheltered, must incur the 
inescapable liabilities of life, even though coal buyers con- 
centrate their purchases to a few months of excessive de- 
mands leaving other months of partial production. That is 
perfectly clear. 

So far except for the collection of data and for the at- 
tempts at mediating controversies between miners and opera- 
tors, the United States has had little to say about the coal 
mines in peace times. Only during the war has there been 
a fuel administration. When the crisis came the dormant 
powers of that administration was called to life and the 
injunction process was invoked in order that the government 
might succeed in its purpose of having the strike order 
rescinded. That system of national action only in moments 
of passion will not produce a rational organization of this 
basic industry. 

The strike indeed, had manifestly to be settled if it 
could not be avoided. The emergency had to be met how- 
ever much employers, organized labor and the general public 
may disagree as to the wisdom of the means used to meet it. 
What has been done is a matter for historians and politicians 
to appraise. What is to be done is a matter for statesmen. 
Who loves his country well will seek for it a mode of in- 
dustry which serves the genuine needs of all. That this is 
not true of the bituminous coal mines at present is the bur- 
den of the testimony of all the federal technicians whose 
business it is to interpret these matters. 



Aberdeen's Unique Plan 

A S a result of its war experience and on the basis of what 
-^*- was actually going on when the war ended, a unique divi- 
sion of responsibility has been agreed upon in Aberdeen, an 
important lumber town of some 20,000 inhabitants on Gray's 
Harbor in the state of Washington. Organized labor, under 
this division of work, virtually undertakes to support the 
social service of the community, on the understanding that 
organized business will look out for the general prosperity. 
In other words, home service, visiting nursing, boys' and 
girls' clubs, community service, and the like, instead of being 
supported, as is the more common practice, by those whose 
incomes are from profits or the professions, are to be taken 
care of by wage-earners; while harbor improvements, the 
location of new industries, and other matters which affect the 
industrial prosperity of the community and keep Aberdeen 
on the map, economically and financially, are to be taken 
care of by the proprietors of the saw mills and logging camps, 
bankers, merchants, and others ordinarily represented in the 
Chamber of Commerce. Labor is to look out for philan- 
thropy, thus leaving capital free to insure the continuance 
of the industrial prosperity on which wages depend. 

In Aberdeen labor is organized — not all in exactly the same 
way, but still organized. There is the I. W. W. and there is 
the Loyal Legion, and there are the regular unions of the 
orthodox type affiliated with the A. F. of L. But these dif- 
ferences have nothing to do with the present competition. 
Wages are high and labor has been fully employed. There 
had been no difficulty about the re-employment of returned 
soldiers, up to the time of my visit in August. They were all 
wanted in their old jobs at better wages than when they 
relinquished them. 

During the war, systematic contributions from men em- 
ployed in the saw mills and other industries became the prac- 
tice, as was the case elsewhere. If there was any difference 
in this respect between Aberdeen and other places, it was 
perhaps in the thoroughness with which the workers on their 
own initiative systematized their contributions. Assessing 
themselves twenty-five cents a week, their contributions at 
the maximum amounted to $6,400 a month. As the Home 
Service of the Red Cross made the most immediate and con- 
crete appeal, it was mutually agreed that the contributions 
from wage-earners should be used for this purpose, and that 
business men would finance the other war drives. Liberty 
loans were of course subscribed by all. It was this originally 
very simple and obvious distinction between Home Service 
funds and the national drives for other purposes — perhaps 
equally important, but somewhat more distant and less easily 
visualized — that led to the proposal for the division of work 
on the peace basis. Just as relief given in the homes of sol- 
diers came a little nearer home than money devoted to sup- 
plying books or even cigarettes and doughnuts overseas, so 
the raising of funds to be applied to public health, home 
service, and recreation becomes a more natural claim on 
prosperous wage-earners than those community improve- 
ments which, although they will ultimately redound to the 
benefit of the whole community, may be expected to begin 

by increasing the income of merchants, bankers, and manu- 

The division of responsibility was not intended to em- 
phasize class differences, but on the contrary, to express com- 
munity solidarity. They do not even admit that such a thing 
as "classes" exists in Aberdeen. It is a means by which each 
part of the community, recognizing that both prosperity and 
social work are desirable, agree upon a plan which comes as 
near as possible to insuring the maximum of both. It has 
been fundamental in the program in Aberdeen not to exploit 
the names of individuals, and so, although the writer knows 
the name of the labor man who was most responsible for 
organizing the method of collecting from wage-earners, the 
name of the popular secretary of the community service, the 
name of the manager of the local Ford Distributing Agency 
who, as chairman of the Citizens Finance Committee, proved 
his genius for making a whole community work as one man, 
the names of the officers of the Chamber of Commerce, and 
of other citizens who helped, they shall remain unnamed, in 
accordance with the spirit of community loyalty which has 
characterized their service. 

E. T. D. 

Raising Money in Mid- 

THE social agencies of Canada are facing a grave crisis and 
an extraordinary opportunity. Through four and a half 
long years of war the country has been drained heavily of 
its money and its men. This constitutes the crisis. Through 
the same period there has been a remarkable demonstration 
of volunteer service in all forms of war work. This presents 
the opportunity. Undoubtedly the same conditions prevail 
in other countries, but for obvious reasons the measure of the 
danger and of the opportunity is relatively greater in Canada 
than, for example, in the states. 

In taking stock of the situation last July the Charity Organ- 
ization Society of Montreal found itself facing a deficit of 
$20,000 on the budget for the year, which had been estimated 
at $70,000. There were various contributory causes for this 
state of things, amongst them being an inevitable reaction 
after the generous giving of the war years, a reduction in the 
municipal grant, the increased cost of supplies, a temporary 
dislocation in the industrial ranks resulting from the muni- 
tion factories closing down, and the aftermath of the influenza 
epidemic of the past winter. A campaign for funds of the 
usual kind, with organized teams of solicitors, was out of 
the question. The public was tired to death of the very 
word "campaign." But the money was needed and a different 
approach had to be tried. 

On July 5 a statement was sent to the press giving the 
financial situation in detail. This was accompanied by an 
editorial in the Montreal Daily Star, drawing attention to 
the fact that the future of the society lay in the hands of the 
people of Montreal. This paper, which has a daily circula- 
tion of 100,000, gave the society the opportunity of using 
practically as much space as it wished to call for. During 
the five days succeeding the first announcement letters of 




recommendation were published from the acting principal of 
McGill University, the head of the Montreal Canadian Patri- 
otic Fund, two prominent clergymen, and a well known 
physician. On the ninth of the month a full page article 
carried the names of the 1,200 individuals on the subscribers' 
list, followed the next day by an endorsement from the presi- 
dent of the Board of Trade. On the twelfth another full page 
article gave a description of A Day's Work with the Charity 
Organization Society, in which was set down the work done 
during one day by each of the twenty-two workers of the 
staff. No names were mentioned and especial care was taken 
to give the incidents of the family work in such a way that 
the identity of no family could be recognized. On the same 
day the first financial appeal was issued. Subscriptions were 
asked for an emergency fund of $30,000. Subsequent issues 
carried announcements of the progress of the returns on this 
appeal. Personal letters of thanks were sent to each sub- 
scriber as the donations were received, and during the three 
weeks following the first appeal further educational articles 
were published and letters from the past president of McGill, 
the mayor of Westmount, Lady Drummond, the St. Georges 
Society, the Irish Protestant Benevolent Society, the director 
of the Social Service Department at the University, and 

On August 5, one month after the first statement was made 
public, the appeal was closed, having netted $31,400 from 
over 400 subscribers, many of whom had not given to the 
society before. No individual solicitation was made either 
by letter or by personal appeal, except in the case of a few 
of the largest contributors who were approached by the 
finance committee. The final subscription list was accom- 
panied by a double column letter of acknowledgment from 
the general secretary, giving the result of the campaign and 
alluding to the society's work and responsibility in the future. 

The Executive Committee had anticipated an increase in 
the volume of work as a result of the month's intensive news- 
paper campaign. As a matter of fact the increase was very 
slight indeed, and so far the district workers have not noticed 
any critical feeling amongst their families as a result of the 
publicity given to the nature of the society's family work. 
There was good evidence to show that in many cases the 
critical feeling that might have been expected was displaced 
by a feeling of anxiety as to the future of the society. For a 
time at least the families in receipt of regular allowances 
from the society were in doubt as to whether those allowances 
would be continued. It is difficult to see how this could have 
been avoided, for it is quite true that if the emergency had 
not been met the society would have been forced either into 
bankruptcy or to make a serious curtailment of its work. 

The method adopted was probably the one best adapted to 
the occasion. Owing to the generosity of the Star the expenses 
were practically nil. It brought the desired results and gave 
the newspaper reading public a much clearer and more ade- 
quate conception of the society's work. 

John B. Dawson. 

Abnormal Not Subnormal 

N an Ohio court a man who came from a fairly well-to-do 
family appeared as defendant, charged with non support 
of his wife and seven children. During the war he had 
been employed on munitions, at high wages, but even then 
made no provision for his family, lived luxuriously, and on 
his week-end visits at home ate without apparent compunc- 
tion the food supplied to his family by the Associated Char- 
ities. His family considered that he had married beneath 
his station. His brother is a successful business man. An 
uncle had committed suicide. On several occasions the man 
had contracted debts which he left unpaid; had entered upon 
financial ventures which his income did not justify. He had 
purchased a pleasant home, making only a first payment and 

losing it because of his inability to meet later payments; had 
bought an automobile on borrowed money, which he lost 
because the man from whom he bought it had stolen it; and 
altogether he had made a sorry failure of his family respon- 
sibilities. His wife, hard-working and intelligent, notwith- 
standing her inferior social status, has given her children 
the best care she could. 

Placed on probation in care of the Humane Society, this 
man might well have seemed to the social worker to be sub- 
normal, and in fact his examination in the psychological 
clinic was expected to establish only the degree and nature 
of abnormality. The examination showed, to the surprise of 
all concerned, that both the man and his children are consid- 
erably above the average in fundamental intelligence, rather 
than below. What was done, therefore, was to make a wholly 
different approach to the family problem, to hunt up a job 
for him in which he could use his head, and to bring pressure 
to bear upon him through social connections. With his 
change in employment came a complete change in his mental 
outlook. Interest, satisfaction, and self-respect displaced 
the old listlessness. The depressing atmosphere of the house- 
hold vanished. The man is working steadily, has assumed 
full responsibility for his family, and spends only a reason- 
able part of his income on his personal expenses. Unfor- 
tunately the annals of the poor are neither short nor simple, 
and both the mother and the oldest child in this family have 
developed tuberculosis. But that is another story. 

Supernormal intelligence is perhaps less common than 
subnormal among families in need of help, but it is import- 
ant to discover it when it exists and it offers an exceptional 
opportunity for "constructive work" and "rehabilitation." 

E. T. D. 

Comparing Subscriptions 

S a device for stimulating the Jews of Hartford to increase 
their support of the United Jewish Charities of that city, 
a table was prepared by Charles W. Margold, the superinten- 
dent, from figures published in the annual reports, compar- 
ing the income and membership of seven similar societies, in 
cities with a Jewish population ranging from 8,000 to 60,000. 
The particularly effective note is produced by working out 
the per capita contribution "per Jew," and the ratio of mem- 
bers per 1,000 of the Jewish population. These ratios, 
together with the interesting totals on which they are based, 
are as follows: 

Jewish Ratio 

population Total of 

as estimated income Average members 

in of Total subscription per 

American society members per Jew 1,000 

Jewish Year from of in Jewish 

City Book subscriptions society population population 

New Orleans.... 8,000 $57,969.50 1,710 $7.25 213.75 

Buffalo 20,000 26,142.25 624 1.30 31.20 

Cincinnati 25,000 74,457.50 1,754 2.98 70.16 

St. Louis 60,000 93,540.29 1,517 1.56 25.28 

Pittsburgh 60,000 120,878.43 2,324 2.01 38.73 

Montreal 60,000 110,704.50 2,295 1.84 38.25 

Hartford 16,000 8,297.50 785 .52 49.06 

Under the table, which contains four or five times as many 
items as have been selected for quotation, appear these ques- 
tions: "What do the above figures mean to you? How many 
times do you have to increase your subscription to make your 
charities compare favorably with that of other cities?" To 
assist the reader in answering these questions, the reverse of 
the sheet is filled with such trenchant comment as the fol- 

New Orleans has one-half the Jewish population of Hartford, but 
its subscription income is almost seven times that of Hartford. Its 
average subscription per Jew is almost fourteen times that of Hartford. 
Eight of its members contribute more than all our members. 

One member in Montreal contributes twice what all the Jews in 
Hartford together contribute annually. 



If the Survey were presenting these figures for the sake 
of their intrinsic significance, it would be appropriate to call 
attention to their limitations, and also to certain additional 
facts which ought to be taken into consideration in attempt- 
ing to draw inferences from them in regard to the relative 
generosity of the cities represented. As the purpose of this 
item, however, is merely to report an ingenious method of 
arousing the interest of possible contributors, it only remains 
to say that it has "stirred" the Jews of Hartford to such a 
degree that the United Hebrew Charities is looking forward 
to an annual income from subscriptions of $30,000. L. B. 

A Year of Social Planning 

["ANY measures of public interest and welfare have been 
L introduced in Louisville by the Community Council, 
which was organized a year ago at the instance of the Wel- 
fare League, to act as a social planning board and clearing 
house for all the city's activities, public or private, in any way 
concerned in the public welfare. It initiated the child welfare 
study made last autumn and winter by Dr. W. H. Slinger- 
land, the special agent of the Child Helping Department of 
the Russell Sage Foundation, which brought about the estab- 
lishment of a course in applied social science by the Univer- 
sity of Louisville. A psychological laboratory was estab- 
lished in connection with the Board of Education and the 
Welfare League; the Home for Friendless Women was trans- 
ferred to the Salvation Army; the Industrial School of 
Reform, the Detention Home and the Parental Home will 
probably be consolidated; and a child welfare committee is 
being organized to carry out further recommendations. Dr. 
Slingerland's proposed child welfare bill will doubtless be 
the basis of a new law at the winter session of the state leg- 

A housing committee of the Community Council is working 
on a state housing code which will meet Louisville's needs 
better than the present law, now ten years old. Another com- 
mittee, working on social hygiene, has made the Union Gos- 
pel Mission available for venereally infected women quaran- 
tined in the City Hospital and is striving for the establishment 
of a woman's bureau in the Police Department. The mental 
hygiene committee will try to secure a sufficient appropriation 
from the legislature to increase the facilities of the state 
institution for the feebleminded at Frankfort. Still another 
committee is making a study of boarding homes for working 
girls, with a survey of the needs to be met by new construc- 
tion. The committee on social service exchange has improved 
the use of this central clearing house for confidential infor- 
mation, with resultant elimination of duplicated effort. Com- 
mittees on Americanization, recreation, health, family wel- 
fare, and county welfare are being formed. 

Elwood Street. 

A "State and County" 

A NEW kind of conference, which has aroused a high de- 
•^*- gree of enthusiasm among those who participated, has 
recently been held in North Carolina. Nearly three hundred 
public officials, representing seventy-six of the hundred coun- 
ties of the state and all the state departments charged with 
carrying out the new public welfare laws, met on the campus 
of the state university at Chapel Hill, where "they were 
bunched up together in six sessions daily for four days, with 
round-table conferences and informal discussions between 
times." They lived together in the college dormitories, and 
ate together in Swain Hall for — mark the figure! — $1.25 a 
day. The official name of this conference is the State and 
County Council. It seems safe to anticipate that it will be 
an annual event. 

There were juvenile court judges, probation and parole 

officers, members and superintendents of county welfare 
boards, school attendance officers, factory inspectors, county 
health officers, public health nurses, county highway officials, 
county commissioners, county school superintendents and 
members of their boards, officers of the state departments of 
health, public instruction, charities and public welfare, state 
corporation commission, state tax commission, and some fifty 
"volunteer social allies and related social agents," together 
with a sprinkling of guests from beyond the borders of North 
Carolina, including Amos W. Butler of Indiana, Dr. Freeman 
of the Ohio state Board of Health, and Judge Feidelson of 
Savannah. President Chase of the university welcomed the 
council at their opening meeting and Governor Bickett was 
on the program of the first session and the last and one or 
two in between. The university News Letter, in its report of 
the conference, advertises the luckless twenty-four counties 
which were not represented in the council by printing their 
names under a conspicuous heading at the end of the list of 

"A keen realization of mutual dependence, and the foun- 
dational necessity for social solidarity if we are to get ahead 
at a lively gait in North Carolina," was one expression used 
to summarize the chief lesson learned by those who took part 
in the conference. One of the state officials put it more con- 
cretely by saying that his own "real name" all these years 
had been little Jack Horner, but that after this, instead of 
repeating Jackie's immortal reflection, he would be saying 
"What a big job you've got! What a big boy are you!" and 
that for him the result of the conference was a desire to 
know, "What can I do to help you along in your job today?" 

L. B. 

Using Older Men on the 

WHEN enlistment and the draft began to make inroads 
upon the forces of attendants, nurses and doctors in the 
state charitable institutions of Illinois, especially the state 
hospitals, the Department of Public Welfare conceived the 
idea of soliciting the help of men rather advanced in years, 
not just beyond the military age, but perhaps sixty or even 
sixty-five. A number gladly accepted this opportunity to do 
something at their age "to help win the war." Applications 
came from physicians who were either about to retire from 
practice or had retired. Part-time county and township 
employes of advanced age, engaged, as so many of them are, 
in seasonal work, came forward to give the department the 
time at their disposal. 

Results were very gratifying. The old practitioners were 
assigned to the chronic wards where there was little or no 
physical sickness and to wards housing the aged. Among the 
old people these physicians found an opportunity. They 
were patient, old fashioned, and expressed a different kind of 
sympathy from that of the young men. They seemed to 
know how to reach and handle this very large element in our 
state hospitals better than it ever had been done. The aged 
gave very plain evidence of their pleasure in the presence of 
a physician of their own years. The older men on ward 
duty as attendants exercised better judgment and were more 
patient in the performance of their duties. They got along 
with their eccentric and delusional charges with a minimum 
of friction and not one such employe was ever suspected of 
unkind treatment or neglect. Elderly women came into the 
service and as a rule gave satisfaction. Here and there was 
a practical nurse, very useful in many forms of sickness. 

The Illinois department can not too highly praise the ser- 
vice given by these people to the State and its wards during 
the trying times of 1917 and 1918. They have taught a valu- 
able lesson which every state service can follow in peace time 
without doubt as to its results. Those who have desired to 
remain have been retained and it is the department's intention 



to keep, for those special duties which have been described, 

such of the elderly practitioners, attendants and nurses as 

are physically able to meet the demands upon them. The 

pleasure they can bring into the lives of the aged will more 

than compensate for any shortcomings in modern medicine 

or psychiatric training. , T - 

r J ° A. L. Bowen. 

Post Discharge Relief in Canada